Providing universal coverage under national health insurance.
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In 1998, the Chinese government proposed a universal health-insurance program for urban employees. However, this reform has been advancing slowly, primarily due to an unpractical financing policy. We surveyed over 2000 families and evaluated the financial impacts of Beijing's reform on public and private enterprises. We found that most state-owned enterprises provided effective health insurance, whereas most private firms did not; overall, 33% of employees had little or no coverage. On average, employees of private firms were healthier and earned more compared to public firms. Because the premium was proportional to income, private firms would pay more for insurance than the predicted health-care expense of their employees. International firms subsidize the most, contributing more than 60% of their insurance premiums to the employees of the public sector. Such an aggressive cross-subsidization policy is difficult to be accepted by private firms.
The public health community has made important, original contributions to the debate over universal access to health services in the United States. Well before the decision of the American Public Health Association in 1944 to endorse a health plan encompassing virtually the entire populace, prominent public health practitioners and scholars embraced universality as an essential principle of health policy. Influenced by Arthur Newsholme, C.-E. A. Winslow began to promote this principle in the 1920s. Many others came to justify universal medical care as a corollary of the traditional ideal of all-inclusive public health services. By the 1940s, most leaders in the field saw national health insurance as the best way to attain universal access. For the past 30 years, advocates of universalism have asserted a social right to health services.
This paper has two, mutually supportive purposes: (1) to show that the modern economic rationale for universal social health insurance is consistent with the classical liberal understanding of property rights; (2) to show that the writings of the leading liberal sages-Locke, Smith, Mill, and Hayek-are congenial to programs economically similar to universal social health insurance, and, in Hayek's cases, were specifically approving. It is hoped that these facts and reasonings, which are unlikely to be known in toto to those who do not normally study across the intersection of philosophy and economics, will encourage a dialogue that reasserts in a non-ideological way the neglected role of property rights in the health economic assessment of social health insurance alternatives.
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Through the recent National Health Insurance Act (NHIA), the Philippines have committed themselves to introducing a social health insurance with universal coverage within 15 years. Germany was the first country to introduce a social health insurance system more than 100 years ago. Its system is based on the principles of corporatism, federalism and a mandate for equity. Based on a long-term German experience with equity, quality, cost and efficiency issues, the Philippines' NHIA is analysed concerning the entitlement to benefits and the benefit package, the organization of the health insurance programme, health insurance financing, and provider payment mechanisms. It is suggested that the Philippines could profit from including preventive and promotive services as well as pharmaceuticals in the benefits package. The organization of the health insurance system could be decentralized using the 13 regions as its principal units. To achieve financial equity between regions and health funds, a contribution compensation scheme is proposed. To prevent over-utilization in over-served areas and to promote utilization in under-served areas, a relative value scale for fee-for-service payments seem advisable.
The extension of universal health service insurance to national populations is a relatively new phenomenon. Since 1995, the Israeli National Health Insurance Law (NHIL) has provided universal health services to every resident, but the effect of this law on health and health services among minorities has not been examined sufficiently. The goals of this study were to track some of the first changes engendered by the NHIL among the Negev Bedouin Arabs to examine the effects of universal health care services. Methods included analysis of historical and health policy documents, three field appraisals of health care services (1994, 1995, 1999), a region-wide interview survey of Negev Bedouins (1997), and key informant interviews. For the interview survey, a sample of 515 households was chosen from different Bedouin localities representing major sedentarization stages. Results showed that prior to the NHIL, a substantial proportion of the Negev Bedouins were uninsured with limited, locally available health service. Since 1995, health services, particularly primary care clinics and health manpower, have dramatically expanded. The initial expansion appears to have been a marketing ploy, but real improvements have occurred. There was a high level of health service utilization among the Bedouins in the Negev, especially private medical services, hospitals, and night ambulatory medical services. The NHIL brought change to the structure of health services in Israel, namely the institution of a national health system based on proportional allocation of resources (based on size and age) and open competition in the provision of quality health care. The expansion of the pool of potential members engendered by the new universal coverage had profound effects on the Health Funds' attitudes towards Negev Bedouins. In addition, real consumer choice was introduced for the first time. Although all the health care needs of this rapidly growing population have yet to be met fully, the assurances under the Law and the new level of competition promise a higher level of service in the future.
U.S. health policy has been consumed by an ideological divide between conservative and liberal viewpoints. The liberal philosophy, based on both moral principles and utilitarian arguments, attempts to balance the needs of the individual with the concerns of the entire population. Elements of the liberal health care perspective include a belief that health care is an equal right of all people, the implementation of that right through a social insurance system that provides universal health coverage, equitable financing of health care, and a commitment to equality in health care.
The Clinton administration is about to engage in finding a solution to the much-heralded bankruptcy of Medicare. Still, it is appropriate to consider that millions of this nation's children lack health insurance. A plan to provide such coverage through universal insurance would cover a set of defined benefits and be means tested at the upper end of incomes. It would create a rational replacement for a hodgepodge of entitlement programs based on actuarially sound principles. It would derive funds from current Medicaid allocations and private employer contributions for minor dependents.
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As the Human Genome Project increases the predictive power of human genetics, emerging gene chip technology and other advances of genetic testing will give more information to people about their genetic predilections. If insurance companies were allowed to use this information, they would set premiums such that many who need life-saving medical treatment would have no access to it. Americans would not accept this disparity; instead, genetic information will likely remain private, making the modern health insurance system unprofitable for companies and thus pushing the United States towards a universal health care system in the near future.
Switzerland's consumer-driven health care system achieves universal insurance and high quality of care at significantly lower costs than the employer-based US system and without the constrained resources that can characterize government-controlled systems. Unlike other systems in which the choice and most of the funding for health insurance is provided by third parties, such as employers and governments, in the Swiss system, individuals are required to purchase their own health insurance. The positive results achieved by the Swiss system may be attributed to its consumer control, price transparency of the insurance plans, risk adjustment of insurers, and solidarity. However, the constraints the Swiss system places on hospitals and physicians and the paucity of provider quality information may unduly limit its impact. The Swiss health care system holds important lessons, including evidence about its feasibility and equity, for the United States, which is now embarking on its own consumer-driven health care system.
Equal access for poor populations to health services is a comprehensive objective for any health reform. The Colombian health reform addressed this issue through a segmented progressive social health insurance approach. The strategy was to assure universal coverage expanding the population covered through payroll linked insurance, and implementing a subsidized insurance program for the poorest populations, those not affiliated through formal employment. A prospective study was performed to follow-up health service utilization and out-of-pocket expenses using a cohort design. It was representative of four Colombian cities (Cendex Health Services Use and Expenditure Study, 2001). A four part econometric model was applied. The model related medical service utilization and medication with different socioeconomic, geographic, and risk associated variables. Results showed that subsidized health insurance improves health service utilization and reduces the financial burden for the poorest, as compared to those non-insured. Other social health insurance schemes preserved high utilization with variable out-of-pocket expenditures. Family and age conditions have significant effect on medical service utilization. Geographic variables play a significant role in hospital inpatient service utilization. Both, geographic and income variables also have significant impact on out-of-pocket expenses. Projected utilization rates and a simulation favor a dual policy for two-stage income segmented insurance to progress towards the universal insurance goal.
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Supporters of a universal, comprehensive National Health Insurance program are predicting fast action from the Carter Administration and Democratic majorities in the House and Senate. The author suggests that enactment of any sort of NHI may be slow in coming, and that a "mini-NHI" program may be all we can expect in this session of Congress.
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