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PubMed2003

The politics of grief and continuing bonds with the dead: the cases of Maoist China and Wahhabi Islam.

The article is a contribution to a cross-cultural theory of grief. It examines the relationship between individual/family continuing bonds with the dead and cultural narratives that legitimize political power. The dead are collective representations (Dirkheim) that mediate the larger culture to individuals and to smaller communities and that reinforce social solidarity and identity. The political question is which collective--family, community, church, party, nation--owns the dead and controls the rituals by which bonds with the dead are maintained or relinquished? The article discusses one historical condition: times of rapid change in power arrangements. Bonds with the dead have a power in individual, family, or tribal life that can threaten the narrative that legitimizes the new political power holders. Ancestor rituals that support identity as a family or tribal member are surpressed and replaced by allegiance to collective representations of the new political order. Two historical examples are given: China under Chairman Mao and the Wahhabi reform in Arabic Islam.

China↗
PubMed2000

Local knowledge, environmental politics, and the founding of ecology in the United States. Stephen Forbes and "The Lake as a Microcosm" (1887).

Stephen Forbes's "The Lake as a Microcosm" is one of the founding documents of the science of ecology in the United States. By tracing the connections between scientists and local fishermen underlying the research on floodplain lakes presented in "The Lake as a Microcosm," this essay shows how the birth of ecology was tied to local knowledge and the local politics of environmental transformation. Forbes and the other scientists of the Illinois Natural History Survey relied on fishermen for manual labor, expertise in catching fish, and knowledge of the natural history of the fishes. As Forbes and his colleagues worked in close contact with fishermen, they also adopted many of their political concerns over the privatization of the floodplain and became politically active in supporting their interests. The close connection between scientists and local knowledge forced the ecologists to reframe the boundaries of ecology as objective or political, pure or applied, local or scientific.

Animals↗
PubMed2004

Gender, politics, and radioactivity research in interwar Vienna: the case of the Institute for Radium Research.

This essay explores the significance of political and ideological context as well as experimental culture for the participation of women in radioactivity research. It argues that the politics of Red Vienna and the culture of radioactivity research specific to the Viennese setting encouraged exceptional gender politics within the Institute for Radium Research in the interwar years. The essay further attempts to provide an alternative approach to narratives that concentrate on personal dispositions and stereotypical images of women in science to explain the disproportionately large number of women in radioactivity research. Instead, the emphasis here is on the institutional context in which women involved themselves in radioactivity in interwar Vienna. This approach places greater importance on contingencies of time and place and highlights the significance of the cultural and political context in a historical study while at the same time shedding light on the interrelation between scientific practices and gender.

Academies and Institutes↗
PubMed2006

Effects of Internet use on college students' political efficacy.

This study examines the relationship between three types of Internet use (information, entertainment, and interactive contacts) and two types of political efficacy (external and internal) among U.S. college students. Information related Internet use and interactive contacts predict college students' internal political efficacy. An unexpected finding was that visiting public agency sites negatively influenced college students' external political efficacy. This implies that the quality of current public sites is below the expectation of college students and that respondents who visited those sites might develop political cynicism. This study also reveals that online news sites are becoming a primary news source for college students.

Adolescent↗
PubMed2004

The emergence of political priority for safe motherhood in Honduras.

Each year an estimated 500,000 to 600,000 women die due to complications from childbirth, making this one of the leading causes of death globally for women in their reproductive years. In 1987 a global initiative was launched to address the problem, but few developing countries since then have experienced a documented significant decline in maternal mortality levels. Honduras represents an exception. Between 1990 and 1997 the country's maternal mortality ratio--the number of deaths due to complications during pregnancy, childbirth and the postpartum period per 100,000 live births--declined 40% from 182 to 108, one of the largest reductions ever documented in such a short time span in the developing world. This paper draws on three political science literatures--constructivist international relations theory, policy transfer and agenda-setting--to explain how political priority for safe motherhood emerged in Honduras, a factor that underpinned the decline. Central to the explanation is the unusually cooperative relationship that developed between international donors and national health officials, resulting in effective transfer of policy and institutionalization of the cause within the domestic political system. The paper draws out implications of the case for understanding the political dynamics of health priority generation in developing countries.

Delivery of Health Care↗
PubMed2002

Vulnerability to homicide in Karachi: political activity as a risk factor.

BACKGROUND: Previous studies analysing Karachi ambulance data from 1993 to 1995 identified neighbourhoods in Karachi disproportionately affected by homicide. As a step toward developing intervention programmes to curb violence, we conducted a study to identify risk factors for becoming a homicide victim in a high violence area of Karachi. METHODS: We interviewed families of 35 cases, individuals intentionally killed through acts of violence between January 1994 and January 1997, and 85 community-based controls frequency matched by sex, from Orangi, a high violence area of Karachi. RESULTS: Most of our cases and controls were male (97% and 92%, respectively) and had similar socioeconomic and ethnic backgrounds. All the victims were killed by firearms; 4 (11%) had been tortured prior to death. Most of the victims were killed in the streets (n = 25, 71%). Of these, 7 (36%) had been killed by law-enforcement officers, while 6 (24%) died from indiscriminate firing. People who were killed were 34 times more likely to have attended all political processions (29% versus 1%, odds ratio [OR] = 34; 95% CI: 4-749, P < 0.001), 19 times more likely to have attended political meetings (31% versus 2%, OR = 19; 95% CI: 4-136, P < 0.001), and 17 times more likely to have held an important position in a political party (29% versus 2%, OR = 17; 95% CI: 3-120, P < 0.001) than controls. CONCLUSIONS: Homicide in Orangi was political. Efforts to improve trust between ethnic groups and to build legitimacy for non-violent forms of conflict resolution are important steps to limit future violence.

Adolescent↗
PubMed1998

Competition in context: the politics of health care reform in Europe.

The purpose of this paper is to provide a basis for exploring the relationship between competition and quality in health care by delineating the different institutional, economic and political contexts in which pro-competitive reform was conceived and carried out in different European countries. It begins by distinguishing between national health services and social insurance systems, suggesting that different kinds of system generate different kinds of problem. Different patterns of reform in Italy, Sweden and the UK, and in France and Germany are then reviewed in turn. The paper shows how, since the end of the long boom, health systems in Europe have been exposed to a set of economic, political and ideological pressures. The way these were brought to bear meant that governments in those countries with national health services were much more disposed to radical, pro-competitive reform than others. For them, competition represented a way of managing resource constraint in an increasingly complex and demanding political environment; ideas about quality were marginal to their purpose. The paper then explores the application of competition in different contexts, first among providers and then among purchasers, for which the UK and Germany serve as examples in turn. In each case, competition is only made effective by new forms of managerial direction. Across systems, competition appears less clearly associated with quality than with political control.

Delivery of Health Care↗
PubMed2005

William Pulteney Alison, the Scottish philosophy, and the making of a political medicine.

This article considers the public health and social-reform agitations of Dr. William Pulteney Alison (1790-1858), professor of medicine at Edinburgh University and leader of the Scottish medical profession, in the context of Scottish moral philosophy. Throughout his career, Alison reflected on what has come to be recognized as a central problem of social medicine: where did its domain end? At what point did the medical mission of identifying and eliminating factors that harm health pass into a non-medical domain-the provinces of political economy, individual liberty, participatory politics, or acceptance of nature's dictates? On these issues Alison was an expansionist, relentlessly pushing back the borders of medicine. Drawing on Alison's writings on such disparate topics as the philosophy of mind, the epidemiology of infectious diseases, and modes of agrarian organization, the article argues that the trajectory of much of Alison's work was to discover the structural implications of a comprehensive biological reading of human capacity and behavior. It is therefore appropriate to see him as a promulgator of a "political medicine," which he presented as a critical alternative to the classical political economy of the Scottish Malthusians. The article concludes by suggesting that Alison's work (and influence) have been under-recognized and remain pertinent to modern social epidemiology, public health, and medicine more broadly.

Epidemiology↗
PubMed2003

Using social constructionist thinking in training social workers living and working under threat of political violence.

This article describes and analyzes an intervention program with social workers living and working in a situation of uncertainty created by political violence such as war and terrorism. The author used a social constructionist perspective as a theoretical framework, emphasizing the effect of the social and political context in constructing the experience and a recognition of the personal and professional knowledge acquired in the daily experience. The author used qualitative methods to evaluate the process and outcome. The narrative-holistic analysis focused on reconstructing meaning and adapting it to the new situation, the main thrust of the program. From the thematic analysis four main themes emerged: (1) loss as a result of political violence; (2) meaning of strength and weakness in situations of political violence; (3) preparation for terrorist attacks; and (4) definition of a safe place. The outcome evaluation describes the meaning of this kind of training program to the participants. The specific context of the training program is discussed as well as possibilities of using it in different contexts.

Allied Health Personnel↗
PubMed1980

Special educational ideology and political-economic conservatism.

In the United States, the educational and human service systems, in addition to the attitudes and behaviors of the professionals associated with these systems, are being shaped to a lesser or greater extent by the Scandinavian ideology termed normalization. This paper examines such a belief system through a special education ideology scale developed by the author and administered to school committee members and superintendents in 16 communities in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. The scale discriminates between varying ideological patterns of educational decision-makers as they pertain to the educational needs of handicapped children. Further, the scale is correlated with another tested belief system measuring political-economic conservatism. Analysis of the data revealed that special educational ideology varied significantly with political-economic orientations. According to community type--urban, small city, suburban, rural--the decision-makers varied significantly on their political-economic orientations. There were also noticeable differences in the extent to which special education policy was implemented. The greatest difficulty in placing children in the least restrictive environments was evident in the urban communities. While the findings are inconclusive, the data does suggest that a more progressive ideology, coupled with the strong relationship between education and politics, could contribute toward enhancing the effective implementation of special education and similar human service policies. The author recommends several possible options available to educational decision-makers at the community level which might improve upon the nature and extent of special education services and programs.

Administrative Personnel↗
PubMed1993

Long-term mental sequelae of political imprisonment in East Germany.

This paper presents an assessment of the long-term mental sequelae of prolonged stress due to political persecution and imprisonment in the German Democratic Republic. Fifty-five former political prisoners with enduring psychiatric disorders were examined retrospectively in an exploratory study. The patients' experiences before, during, and after imprisonment were investigated using a semistructured interview. Psychopathological symptoms were assessed on clinical and self-rating scales; diagnostic classification was conducted according to DSM-III-R. The patients had experienced serious trauma, including psychological torture, long-term imprisonment, and solitary confinement. We diagnosed a characteristic syndrome involving symptoms of depression and anxiety with vegetative complaints and increased arousal. In 35 (64%) patients, the symptoms persisted over an extended period without improvement. This syndrome resembles psychiatric disorders found after other forms of political persecution. It may be concluded that prolonged individually experienced political stress situations, even if they are not life-threatening, may have long-term mental sequelae.

Adult↗
PubMed2001

Learning from the politics of a merger: when being merged is not a choice.

Organizational mergers have poor track records for success. Success usually refers to financial success, and little or no evaluation is planned to determine whether the merged partners have a good cultural fit. Therefore, the social and psychological costs of mergers and acquisitions are high. One factor that is part of every merger and acquisition is politics. Politics is both a positive and a negative force in organizational life. This article discusses the ways politics affects the process and outcome of a merger, using the reorganization of the campuses of a large university as an example, and presents lessons learned from managing around the politics of this merger.

Organizational Affiliation↗
PubMed2004

The impact of personality on cognitive, behavioral, and affective political processes: the effects of need to evaluate.

Need to evaluate (NE) is a personality trait that reflects a person's proclivity to create and hold attitudes; people high in NE are especially likely to form attitudes toward all sorts of objects. Using data from the 1998 National Election Survey Pilot and the 2000 National Election Survey, NE was shown to predict a variety of important attitude-relevant cognitive, behavioral, and affective political processes beyond simply holding attitudes: NE predicted how many evaluative beliefs about candidates a person held, the likelihood that a person would use party identification and issue stances to determine candidate preferences, the extent to which a person engaged in political activism, the likelihood that a person voted or intended to vote, the extent to which a person used the news media for gathering information, and the intensity of emotional reactions a person felt toward political candidates. Thus, NE appears to play a powerful role in shaping important political behavior, emotion, and cognition.

Adult↗
PubMed1996

The symphony of the damned: racial discourse, complex political emergencies and humanitarian aid.

This paper concerns the manner in which the West is responding to protracted political crises beyond its borders. It examines the conceptual world-view that aid agencies bring to complex emergencies and which shapes action. The paper provides an analysis of developmentalism. That is, the currently dominant idea of development which is an adapted form of multiculturalism. It is based on the empowerment of cultural differences and the relativisation of progress. As a variant of multiculturalism, developmentalism is part of Western racial discourse. In terms of understanding conflict, it establishes a mirror-image relationship with new rascist ideas premised on cultural pluralism inevitably leading to social breakdown, violence and anarchy. To the contrary, with its functional view of social harmony, libertine developmentalism claims that even unresolved political crisis constitutes a development opportunity. Developmentalism, like culturalism generally, is incapable of analysing power. It therefore cannot understand the effects and significance of its own organisational forms. Moreover, since the absence of power translates into operational neutrality in a war zone, it is also unable to analyse the nature of new political formations emerging in the global periphery. That is, the so-called weak or failed states, warlords and so on. This functional ignorance has allowed a widespread incorporation of humanitarian aid into the fabric of political violence. Developmentalism is an essential underpinning for the growing organisational accommodation to ongoing conflict and eroding standards of justice and accountability.

Cultural Diversity↗
PubMed2000

Politics and the success of school-based health centers.

School-based health centers (SBHCs) provide access to health services by bringing providers to children (and sometimes parents) and furnishing low cost services in an atmosphere of trust. While the number of SBHCs has continued to grow and some clinics have continued to expand their services, others have barely survived and some have even closed. This study investigated factors, particularly political forces, that affected the success of SBHCs. Using a national survey of clinic directors, this study assessed clinic success in terms both of longevity and service delivery. Findings indicate the factors most consistently and significantly associated with success include not only measures of "need" (school size and percent African-American enrollment or population) but of "politics" (citizen political ideology and Southern conservatism). Thus, politics matters more than previous studies suggested.

Ethnicity↗
PubMed2006

Politics and the life cycle.

The study of politics and the life cycle began with a rather single-minded focus on childhood and the family-on the idea, as Tocqueville famously put it, that the entire person could be "seen in the cradle of the child." Politics does begin in childhood, and parents do influence their offspring, but change takes place over the entire span of life. I take up the early emergence of partisanship and essentialism, the formation of generations, politically consequential transitions in adulthood, and the rising of politics and its final decline.

Adolescent↗
PubMed2004

Mediated politics and citizenship in the twenty-first century.

Since the birth of the nation, concepts about the political duties of citizens have changed drastically to keep pace with growth and development. The information needs have changed as well, as have the institutions that supply this information. In this essay I analyze the interrelation between citizenship in the twenty-first century and the information supply that nourishes it. I focus on studies that explore how political news is shaped to attract public attention and how citizens select it and make sense of it. Evidence from content analyses, focus group data, and intensive interviews supports the conclusion that the news supply is adequate for citizens' civic needs and that they use it judiciously. To accept that conclusion requires abandoning outdated paradigms of citizenship that ignore information-processing capabilities of human beings, the basic motivations that drive the search for political information, and the impact of the ever-increasing complexity of politics.

Communications Media↗
PubMed1977

Suicide by fire: a contemporary method of political protest.

Suicide by fire (self-incineration)for the purpose of political protest has appeared in several countries during the previous decade. In this paper, the history of this form of suicide has been explored. The authors examined all cases of suicide by fire reported in the London Times and New York Times between 1790 and 1972. Seventy-one per cent of these reported suicides occurred during the most recent decade, 1963 to 1972, with all cases of political self-incineration occurring during this period. The socio-cultural context in which this form of protest may occur, and the psychological factors in individuals who choose this method of suicide are both discussed. It is suggested that the occurrence of self-incineration as a means of political protest may be yielding to more aggressive acts of terrorism as popular methods of forcing political change.

England↗