[By personal experience: prejudices, judgements, stigma].
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Evidence pertaining to self-reported use of memory compensation techniques was collected using the Memory Compensation Questionnaire (MCQ). Five forms of everyday memory compensation were evaluated: (a) external memory aids, (b) internal mnemonic strategies, (c) investing and managing processing time, (d) applying more effort, and (e) reliance on human memory aids. The sample was derived from the Kungsholmen Project in Stockholm, Sweden, and consisted of (n = 85) healthy older adults (M age = 81.80 years; M MMSE = 28.34) and (n = 21) diagnosed Alzheimer's Disease (AD) patients (Mage = 81.80 years; M MMSE = 23.55). Participants were tested on two occasions, 6 months apart. Results showed that the MCQ was a largely reliable instrument in these two groups. Moreover, we observed substantial sample similarity in frequency of using the five forms of everyday memory compensation techniques. The healthy sample reported using the external techniques more than the AD sample. Over the 6-month interval, however, AD patients differentially increased their use of others to assist them in everyday memory performance. Results are interpreted in terms of insight into changes in memory skills and inthe implementation of effective memory support systems.
Depression and memory difficulties are among the most common complaints voiced by patients with multiple sclerosis (MS). Nevertheless, little is known about how depression might affect patients' perceptions of their memory difficulties. The present investigation was designed to explore this issue. Results supported a model that integrates aspects of Beck's theory of depression and the concept of depressive realism. Consistent with the depressive realism literature, nondepressed MS patients significantly overestimated their everyday memory compared with their actual performance on verbal memory and attention/concentration indices, whereas moderately depressed patients' everyday memory ratings mirrored their actual neuropsychological performance. Supporting Beck's negative cognitive schema notion, mildly depressed patients significantly overestimated their memory difficulties. Implications for the treatment of memory problems among MS patients are discussed.
This study investigated the impact of hypnotically induced mood on the specificity of autobiographical memory. High (n = 24) and low (n = 21) hypnotizable participants were administered a hypnotic induction for sad, neutral, or happy mood and were asked to retrieve specific autobiographical memories in response to positive and negative cue words. Whereas high hypnotizable participants in the sad condition provided fewer specific memories in response to positive rather than negative cues, those in the neutral and happy conditions responded similarly to positive and negative cues. Findings suggest that impaired recall of specific memories may be mediated by state factors associated with sad mood. These results point to the utility of hypnotic mood induction as a means to experimentally investigate the relationship between mood and autobiographical memory.
The authors investigated the roles of hypnosis, hypnotizability, and attributions in autobiographical pseudomemories. Experiment 1 administered a suggestion for recall of their second birthday to hypnotized high and low hypnotizable participants and nonhypnotized, high hypnotizable participants; Experiment 2 administered a similar suggestion to real and simulating participants. Recall was tested during hypnosis, after hypnosis, and after a challenge procedure. In Experiment 1, more highs than lows reported a memory during hypnosis; however, following the challenge, half the walking highs but none of the hypnosis highs retracted their memory. Notably, highs attributed their memories to reconstructions based on other birthdays. In Experiment 2, whereas an equal number of reals and simulators reported a memory of their second birthday during hypnosis and then retracted following the challenge, they made different attributions about their memories. These findings highlight the value of a closer investigation of attributional processes that reconcile believed-in autobiographical memories with conflicting evidence.
This study found that attempts to recall earliest memories were strongly influenced by the testing context. It showed that a brief 3-minute self-hypnosis experience, coupled with the insinuation that hypnosis improves memory, resulted in earlier autobiographical memory reports (M = 29.5 months) than instructions for relaxation (M = 37.9 months) or counting/visualization (M = 48.9 months). Inquiries about earliest memories across 5 age ranges showed that the hypnotic context resulted in a higher proportion of participants reporting a memory at or before 12, 24, 36, 48, and 60 months of age. Nearly 40% of the "hypnotized" participants reported a memory for an event that reportedly occurred at or before 12 months of age. A brief discussion of context effects and demand characteristics associated with hypnosis and memory follows.
This study examines the effects of expectancies, group versus individual interview procedures, and recall trial on reports of early autobiographical memories. No effect for interview procedure or expectancy information was obtained. However, participants reported earlier memories during hypnosis than they did both prior to hypnosis and prior to memory recovery instructions. A third of the 85 participants reported memories below the cutoff of infantile amnesia (i.e., age 2) after they received suggestions that they could recall earlier memories. Two thirds of participants reported such memories during hypnosis. Even after being debriefed and contacted by telephone outside the experimental context, more than a third (37%) of the participants continued to report memories prior to age 2.
Early autobiographical memory reports by adults were very sensitive to social influence in a leading interview. The mean age of initial earliest memory report was 3.7 years. When participants were instructed to close their eyes, visualize, and focus on their 2nd birthday, 59% reported a birthday memory. After repeated probes for earlier memories, 78% of subjects reported memories at or prior to 24 months of age, and 33% reported memories within the first 12 months of age. The mean age of the final earliest memory reported was 1.6 years. Participants rated their memory reports as accurate and did not recant them when given an opportunity. The age of earliest memory reports in the suggestive interview correlated negatively with measures of compliance, hypnotizability, and interrogative suggestibility.
Autobiographical memory can be characterized in terms of its reconstructive nature, its relationship with self-identity, and its shifting accessibility. Hypnosis research on personal memory has focused for the most part on its reconstructive nature. The authors examine selected contributions of hypnosis research to understand the nature and function of autobiographical memory and consider further ways in which hypnosis can make specific contributions to theoretical understanding and empirical inquiry into personal recollection. The authors provide some examples of research on various aspects of hypnosis and autobiographical memory and suggest particular ways for adding to the value and impact of such work. They argue that hypnosis researchers should continue to look for ways in which they can demonstrate and communicate the vigor and relevance of their work.
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The purpose of this study was to investigate a possible component process in the formation of childhood pseudomemories in adults. Participants recounted a childhood event, the details of which came from hearing others tell it (a know event) rather than from their personal experience (a remember event). Then participants were placed in 1 of 4 possible conditions: They completed a guided visualization task led by an expert, a guided visualization task led by a nonexpert, a visual search task, or a verbal list-learning task. For the guided visualization task, participants listened to a middle-aged man on audiotape, who asked them to imagine details about their know event. Half believed the person on the tape was a well-known and esteemed psychologist (an expert), and half were led to believe that he was someone who had gone back to school to study communications (a nonexpert). As predicted, guided visualization led participants to rate their know event closer to a remember event. Planned comparisons demonstrated that the effect was significantly greater for the expert versus nonexpert conditions. Results were applied to the process of false memory formation and the use of visualization procedures in psychotherapy.
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Many of the researchers in the field of psychological science use strategies and methods in which human actions and experiences are reduced to behavioral contingencies, statistical regularities, neurophysiological states and processes, and computational functions and models. However, many psychologists talk readily and easily about how their research might assist human agents to solve problems, cope, make decisions, self-regulate, and more generally "make a difference" and "take control." The authors considered informally selected comments by several eminent psychologists, and more formally, 73 autobiographical accounts of prominent psychologists to see what could be learned about the attitudes of these psychologists toward reductionism in their own work and in the field of psychology in general. In interpreting these comments and accounts, the authors posit a gap between many psychologists' contemplation of their work and their actual research practices. The authors also suggest that such a gap may be related to psychologists' educational experiences and their scholarly and professional socialization, as well as to their subdisciplinary attachments and contexts.
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