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Do socioeconomic differences in mortality persist after retirement? 25 year follow up of civil servants from the first Whitehall study.

OBJECTIVE: To assess the risk of death associated with work based and non-work based measures of socioeconomic status before and after retirement age. DESIGN: Follow up study of mortality in relation to employment grade and car ownership over 25 years. SETTING: The first Whitehall study. SUBJECTS: 18,133 male civil servants aged 40-69 years who attended a screening examination between 1967 and 1970. MAIN OUTCOME MEASURE: Death. RESULTS: Grade of employment was a strong predictor of mortality before retirement. For men dying at ages 40-64 the lowest employment grade had 3.12 times the mortality of the highest grade (95% confidence interval 2.4 to 4.1). After retirement the ability of grade to predict mortality declined (rate ratio 1.86; 1.6 to 2.2). A non-work based measure of socioeconomic status (car ownership) predicted mortality less well than employment grade before retirement but its ability to predict mortality declined less after retirement. Using a relative index of inequality that was sensitive to the distribution among socioeconomic groups showed employment grade and car ownership to have independent associations with mortality that were of equal magnitude after retirement. The absolute difference in death rates between the lowest and highest employment grades increased with age from 12.9 per 1000 person years at ages 40-64 to 38.3 per 1000 at ages 70-89. CONCLUSIONS: Socioeconomic differences in mortality persist beyond retirement age and in magnitude increase with age. Social differentials in mortality based on an occupational status measure seem to decrease to a greater degree after retirement than those based on a non-work measure. This suggests that alongside other socioeconomic factors work itself may play an important part in generating social inequalities in health in men of working age.

Adult↗

Sickness absence and early retirement on health grounds in the construction industry in Ireland.

OBJECTIVE: To establish a detailed pattern of the nature and extent of illnesses and injuries among construction workers in Ireland which cause temporary absence from work, and to identify diseases and disabilities which lead to premature retirement from the industry on health grounds. METHODS: The population base for the study consisted of construction workers who were members of the Construction Federation operatives pension and sick pay scheme. Records of sickness absence since 1981, stored on computer disks, and records of early retirement on health grounds since 1972, stored on microfiche film, were examined. Pertinent data were extracted and transferred to a database; after cleaning and the exclusion of unvalidated data, records of 28 792 absences and 3098 records of early retirement were available for analysis. Data were analysed with Access 97 and Epi Info. RESULTS: Over the period of the study the mean annual absences were 7.8/100 workers. Three quarters of absences were among younger workers; however, the rate of absence increased with age, as did the mean duration of absence. Injury was the most frequent reason for absence, followed by infectious disease, then musculoskeletal disorders. The mean annual rate of early retirement on health grounds was 5.3/1000 workers. The median age at retirement was 58 years. Cardiovascular disease and musculoskeletal disorders each accounted for nearly one third of the conditions leading to permanent disability on the grounds of which early retirement was granted. During the period of the study, over 677 000 working days were lost due to sickness absence, and over 24 000 potential years of working lives were lost due to early retirement on health grounds. CONCLUSIONS: The study has shown patterns of sickness absence and early retirement on health grounds in the Irish construction industry which will contribute to the further development of health promotion strategies for construction workers.

Adolescent↗

Unanticipated consequences: a comparison of expected and actual retirement timing among older women.

The present study adds to the growing body of literature on women and retirement by means of a comparative analysis of the factors associated with anticipated retirement timing (among pre-retirees) and actual retirement timing (among retirees). Adopting a political economy of aging perspective, we argue that socially-structured patterns of gender inequality related to women's multiple roles across the life course affect patterns of retirement timing. Specifically, we hypothesize that the gendered nature of women's work-retirement decision-making is unanticipated during pre-retirement years. Logistic regression analyses are performed on data drawn from a sample of 275 women aged 45 and older living in the Vancouver area of British Columbia. A central finding is that while actual timing of retirement is affected by family caregiving responsibilities and by health/stress factors, pre-retirees do not perceive these to be important in their own expected retirement timing. Implications for social policy, education, and women's financial and psychological well-being in old age are elaborated.

Aged↗

Can they carry on working? Later retirement, health, and social inequality in an aging population.

In debates on pensions and retirement age, little attention has been paid to the relation between increased effective retirement age and the health of the older population. This article focuses on Britain at a crucial point in the past, when the reconstruction that followed recession in the late 1970s and early 1980s used previously accumulated pension and redundancy funds to pay off workers and make labor markets "flexible." Using secondary data analysis of surveys of the same nationally representative sample in 1984 and 1991, the author argues that, while early retirement and retirement at age 60 (women) and 65 (men) took many able-bodied people out of the labor force, every increase in retirement age would have faced diminishing returns. Moreover, unemployment and exit from the labor market were accompanied in most cases by a perceived decline in well-being. The findings suggest that retirement should be tapered, not abrupt. Finally, there was pronounced inequality in the aging process that would have led to a situation in which a uniform policy on later retirement deepened the disadvantage of those least able to fend for themselves. Accordingly, the present U.K. government should positively discriminate in favor of the disadvantaged at retirement by reinforcing the state pension.

Activities of Daily Living↗

Exploring the relationship between marital status and women's retirement satisfaction.

Increased divorce rates, declining marriage rates, and a predisposition to widowhood in later life all contribute to the heterogeneous marital histories of women approaching retirement. Existing research on retirement, however, has not considered the diversity in marital status that exists among retired women. The purpose of the present study was to explore the influence of marital status (i.e., married, remarried, widowed, divorced/separated, never-married) on women's retirement satisfaction. Using a purposive sampling method, self-administered questionnaires were distributed to retired women. Participants (N = 331) were asked to report on their retirement satisfaction, psychological well-being, and perceived health. Results revealed retirement satisfaction and perceived health differed by marital status. Psychological well-being, however, did not differ significantly between marital groups. Future research exploring diversity in marital status among retired women is suggested.

Aged↗

Retirement: what happens to the marriage.

The focus of this descriptive study was to examine what happens to the marriage at retirement. The data were to serve as a basis for further investigation toward the creation of a marital enhancement program at retirement. Purposeful sampling was used to identify the 10 couples who were involved in the study. Findings from this study indicated that an effective marital enhancement program at retirement would consider the following factors: changes in roles and identity were significant stressors during this time; the communication of thoughts was more frequent than the communication of feelings; spouses became increasingly aware of their partners' faults during retirement; men appeared to be more satisfied in retirement than their wives; hobbies and time spent together did not change following retirement; children served as important topics of conversation and sources of pride and thought; time spent with children following retirement did not increase; and children were often unaware of the challenges and changes faced by their parents at retirement.

Female↗

Retirement patterns and bridge jobs in the 1990s.

During most of the post-World War II period, American men have been leaving the labor force at earlier and earlier ages. Evidence suggests that this trend has been under way for more than a century. However, in the mid-1980s, this trend came to an abrupt halt. Male labor force participation rates have been flat since 1985, and have actually increased over the past several years. Understanding these issues is especially important given the looming increase in the Social Security normal retirement age to 67 and the possibility of even more increases in the ages of eligibility under Social Security and Medicare reform. Because of the influx of married women into the labor market in the post-World War II period, older women's participation rates did not decline as men's did. In contrast, their rates were relatively steady, rising or falling very slowly. Since the mid-1980s, however, older women's participation rates have increased significantly. Many more older men and women are working today than the pre-1986 trends would have suggested. Many older Americans leave the labor force gradually, utilizing "bridge jobs" between employment on a full-time career job and complete labor force withdrawal. These bridge jobs are often part-time, often in a new line of work, and sometimes involve a switch from wage and salary work to self-employment. Estimates suggest that between one-third and one-half of older Americans will work on a bridge job before retiring completely, and for these workers retirement is best viewed as a process, not as a single event. These changes in retirement behavior are consistent with societal changes that have altered the relative attractiveness of work and leisure late in life. Mandatory retirement has been outlawed for most American workers. Social Security has become more age-neutral, no longer penalizing the average worker who wants to continue working after age 65. An increasing proportion of employer pension coverage has been in defined contribution plans, which do not contain the age-specific retirement incentives that many defined benefit plans do. The composition of jobs has shifted from manufacturing to service occupations. Americans are living longer and healthier lives, and many look forward to years to productive activity after age 65. These structural changes have been accompanied by an important cyclical factor: the strength of the American economy over the past decade. This has increased the demand for all types of labor, including older workers. Evidence suggests that there is more than this cyclical factor at work, however, and that new attitudes about work late in life are developing. Labor supply decisions late in life are correlated in expected ways with the individual's health (measured in several ways), age, and pension and health insurance status. Retirement patterns in America are much richer and more varied than the stereotypical one-step view of retirement suggests. Public policy is changing in ways that make continued work late in life more likely. If employers are willing to provide flexible job opportunities to meet the needs of these potential employees, then society can tap a growing pool of older, experienced, and willing workers for years to come.

Aged↗

The 1999 Small Employer Retirement Survey: building a better mousetrap is not enough.

As of 1995, there were 5.3 million small-employer firms (100 or fewer employees) in the United States. These small firms employed 38.0 million individuals, representing 38 percent of all employment. Therefore, low retirement plan coverage among small employers directly affects a sizeable fraction of the national work force. There are a number of reasons why more small employers do not offer retirement plans. Cost and administration-related issues do matter, but for many small employers these take a back seat to other issues. For some, the main driver is the financial reality of running a small business: Their revenue is too uncertain to commit to a plan. For others, the most important reasons for not sponsoring a plan are employee-related, e.g., the workers do not consider retirement savings to be a priority, or the employer's work force has such high turnover that it does not make sense to sponsor a plan. Many nonsponsors are unfamiliar with the different retirement plan types available to them as potential plan sponsors, especially the options created specifically for small employers. For example, most nonsponsors said they have never heard of (36 percent) or are not too familiar with (20 percent) SIMPLE plans for small businesses. Fifteen percent of small employers report that they are very likely to start a plan in the next two years, while 24 percent say this is somewhat likely. Nonsponsors report that the two items most likely to lead to serious consideration of sponsoring a plan are an increase in profits (69 percent) and business tax credits for starting a retirement plan (67 percent). Major drivers of low retirement plan sponsorship among small employers are who they employ and the uncertainty of revenue flows. While issues of administrative cost and burden matter, they are only part of the puzzle. Therefore, the solution is not simply "build it and they will come," by creating simpler and simpler retirement plans geared to small businesses. Rather, it is build it and they will come once the business reaches a certain level of profitability and stability, and once retirement planning and saving are more of a priority for the small employer's workers.

Aged↗

Divorced women at retirement: projections of economic well-being in the near future.

The Modeling Income in the Near Term (MINT) data system projects retirement income for persons retiring in the 1990s through 2020. Using those data, we examine the economic well-being of divorced women at retirement. The MINT data system improves upon previous estimates of Social Security benefits by: Measuring and projecting years of marriage to determine if the 10-year requirement has been met, Projecting lifetime earnings until retirement and eligibility for Social Security retirement benefits, and Estimating lifetime earnings of former spouses. MINT also makes independent projections of each retiree's income from pensions, assets, and earnings (for working beneficiaries). As a result of changes in marital patterns, MINT projects that the proportion of women who are divorced will increase. At the same time, the proportion of those women who are eligible for auxiliary benefits is projected to decrease, for two main reasons. First, changes in women's earnings and work patterns result in more women receiving retired-worker benefits based on their own earnings. Second, an increased number of divorced women will not meet the 10-year marriage requirement for auxiliary benefits. Despite the projected decrease over time in eligibility rates for auxiliary benefits, the level of Social Security benefits is projected to change little between the older and younger birth cohorts of divorced women entering retirement. According to the MINT data, the most vulnerable of divorced women will be those who have not met the 10-year marriage requirement. Poverty rates will be higher for them than for all other divorced women. This group of divorced women is projected to grow as more and more women divorce from shorter marriages. With more women divorcing and with fewer divorced women meeting the 10-year marriage requirement, the proportion of economically vulnerable aged women will increase when the baby boom retires. Further research is warranted on this long neglected subject. Analyses of divorced women's economic well-being by major socioeconomic characteristics such as race and ethnicity and education are of particular interest. Such analyses can be supported by the MINT data system.

Age Factors↗

The effect of HMO penetration on physician retirement.

OBJECTIVE: To examine the effect of HMO penetration on physician retirement. STUDY DESIGN: We linked together historical data from the Physician Masterfile of the American Medical Association for successive years to track changes in physicians' activity status between 1980 and 1997. We used a multivariate discrete-time survival model to examine how the probability of physician retirement was affected by the level of HMO penetration in the physician's market area, controlling for other physician and market characteristics. The study population included all active allopathic patient-care physicians in the United States who reached age 55 between the years of 1980 and 1996. The main outcome measure was physician retirements as reported on the Physician Masterfile. PRINCIPAL FINDINGS: HMO penetration had a statistically significant positive effect on the retirement probabilities of generalists and medical/surgical specialists, but it s effect on hospital-based specialists and psychiatrists was not significant . For generalists regression-adjusted retirement probabilities were roughly 13 percent greater in high-penetration markets (HMO penetration of 45 percent ) than in low-penetration markets (HMO penetration of 5 percent ). For medical/surgical specialist s regression-adjusted retirement probabilities were roughly 17 percent greater in high-penetration markets than in low-penetration markets. CONCLUSIONS: Our findings suggest that many older physicians have found it preferable to retire rather than adapt their practices to an environment with a high degree of managed care penetration . Because the number of physicians entering the older age categories will increase rapidly over the next 20 years, the growth of managed care and other influences on physician retirement will play an increasingly important role in determining the size of the physician workforce.

Aged↗

Effect of retirement on health and work ability among municipal employees.

A questionnaire was sent to 6257 active employees, mean age 50.5 years, in 1981, and again in 1985, when 4255 of the workers were still actively working, 402 had retired because of age, and 468 had retired for medical reasons. After retirement, regardless of reason or previous work content, the prevalence of musculoskeletal diseases changed little among the women but increased markedly among the men retired from mental work. Among the men retired from mental work because of age, the prevalence of cardiovascular diseases increased after retirement. After disability pensioning the prevalence of cardiovascular diseases increased for both the men and the women. The prevalence of poor work ability increased in all the work categories irrespective of the type of retirement. Work ability did not improve after old-age pensioning, but health status was improved among the men and women in some occupational groups. Therefore light, part-time work should not be excluded for retired people.

Cardiovascular Diseases↗

Income change at retirement.

Less than one-fourth of SIPP retirees made the transition from full-time work and no benefit receipt to benefit receipt and no work during the 32 months of the 1984 SIPP panel, and these full retirees appear to differ economically from those who had not fully retired during the 32 months. Income declined to 60 percent of preretirement levels for those who received Social Security benefits and employer pensions, and to 46 percent for those who received only one type of benefit after ceasing full-time work. Family income cushioned the decline. About one-third of retirees had larger changes in income shortly before or after observed retirement transitions than right at the retirement transitions. Larger changes in income were associated with changing one's work effort. Asset income was quite variable across the entire panel. A monthly view of persons in various stages of retirement has brought into sharper focus than has previously been recognized the many paths into retirement, often over an extended period of time, during which status may change back and forth. A one-time or occasional extension of the SIPP to perhaps a 5-year period for the near-retirement-age population would increase the proportion of retirees for whom the full process is observed in such great detail. Alternatively, information on the timing of changes in labor-force and pension status may be collected in a proposed new Retirement History Study that calls for interviewing persons at 2-year intervals over a 10-year period for a more accurate picture of the retirement process.

Aged↗

Age retirement in women. I. General presentation.

Within the framework of a longitudinal population study of age retirement in women, the short-term consequences of retirement were studied in 116 municipally employed women in the city of Malmö (230,000 inhabitants) in southern Sweden half a year before and half a year after retirement. The women represented about 40 different occupations, mostly within the sectors of health care, social services and administration. The study comprised four main parts, namely health and discomfort, social psychology, dietary habits and body composition, and oral health. The present paper concerns a general presentation of the study including sampling procedures and analyses of non-response. The response rate was a little more than 70%. Only a few significant differences were observed between non-responders and responders, such as more working hours per week, and more frequently a negative attitude towards retirement in the non-responders after retirement. This longitudinal prospective study of the same cohort of women has so far shown that the general design, sampling procedure and general methods of data collection appear adequate and feasible. In general, the study population was representative of women about to retire from municipal employment in Sweden. Results from the different studies will be presented elsewhere. To illustrate not only the short-term effects of retirement we intend to reexamine the same women about 2 years after the retirement.

Dental Health Surveys↗

The timing of falls into poverty after retirement and widowhood.

A major concern of workers, even those financially prepared for retirement, is that a small risk of poverty may grow over time. Cross-sectional data showing that older cohorts have higher poverty rates substantiate this concern. Using data from the Retirement History Study, we analyze changes in the hazard of entering poverty as a cohort of elderly couples retire and age and the wives are widowed. The initial fall into poverty among those who were not poor before the husband retired is more closely linked to the event of retirement or widowhood than to the slowly eroding household income over the period of retirement and widowhood. The death of her retired husband puts a wife in economic jeopardy whether this shock occurs one year after his retirement or some years later.

Aged↗

The natural history of retirement. Mainly good news.

The number of persons retiring from work early or at the "normal" age of 65 to 69 years is rapidly increasing owing to current social forces. The impact of retirement, one of life's major events, on a person's health is of particular interest for a physician counseling a patient on the advisability of retirement. Despite the common belief, held by the medical community and lay persons alike, that retirement has a profound negative impact on the health of the retired person, available scientific data indicate that retirement per se may have a positive or no effect on health. New medical philosophy and approaches to retirement are suggested after review of the literature pertaining to the relationship between health, life satisfaction, and retirement.

Aged↗

In vivo measurements of lead in fingerbone in active and retired lead smelters.

OBJECT: The aim of this study was to determine the bone lead concentration in lead smelters and reference subjects, relate them to the lead concentration in blood (B-Pb) and urine (U-Pb), and to use the measured bone lead to calculate a biological half-life for lead in bone. METHOD AND DESIGN: The lead concentration in the second phalanx of the left index finger (bone-Pb) was determined in vivo using an X-ray fluorescence technique. The study population comprised 89 smelters with a history of long-term exposure to lead (71 active and 18 retired) and 35 reference subjects (27 active and 8 retired) with no known occupational exposure to lead. Bone-Pb was related to the previous lead exposure, estimated as a time-integrated B-Pb (CBLI). RESULTS: The retired smelters had the highest bone-Pb (median value 55 micrograms/g wet weight, as against 23 micrograms/g in active smelters) and 3 micrograms/g in the reference subjects. A strong positive correlation was observed between the bone-Pb and the CBLI among both active (rs = 0.73; P < 0.001) and retired (rs = 0.71; P = 0.001) smelters. The corresponding correlations between the bone-Pb and the period of employment were of the same magnitude. For retired workers, there were positive correlations between the bone-Pb and the B-Pb (rs = 0.58; P = 0.011) and U-Pb. (rs = 0.56; P = 0.02). Multiple regression analyses showed that bone-Pb was best described by the CBLI, which explained 29% of the observed variance (multiple r2) in bone-Pb in active workers and about 39% in retired workers. The estimated biological half-life of bone-Pb among active lead workers was 5.2 years (95% confidence interval 3.3-13.0 years). CONCLUSIONS: The high bone-Pb seen in retired workers can be explained by the long exposure periods, the higher exposure levels in earlier decades, and the slow excretion of lead accumulated in bone. The importance of the skeletal lead pool as an endogenous source of lead exposure in retired smelters was indicated by the associations between the B-Pb or U-Pb, on the one hand, and the bone-Pb, on the other. In active workers, the ongoing occupational exposure was dominant. The in vivo X-ray fluorescence technique is still mainly a research tool, and more work has to be done before it can be used more widely in clinical practice. However, over the next decade we can anticipate retrospective, prospective and cross-sectional epidemiological studies in which bone lead determinations reflecting the previous lead exposure in both occupationally and nonoccupationally lead exposed populations are related to various types of adverse health outcomes. Such studies will improve our knowledge of dose-response patterns and provide data that will have an impact on hygienic threshold limit values and prevention of lead-induced diseases.

Adult↗

[Costs of early retirement--the case of schizophrenia].

Schizophrenia is a severe psychic disorder that occurs at young age and often leads to a work disability. The disease not only induces direct costs in the health care system but also indirect costs that show up in the social security system. In this study, we apply statistics from the social security administration on early retirement due to disability. Over 6000-males and females per year retire with the diagnosis schizophrenia (classified as 295, ICD-9). The average retirement age is 39 for males and 42 for females. Schizophrenia is the most important single reason for early retirement before age 40. Of all male cases of disability retirement under the age of 40, 14.7 % are due to schizophrenia. The present discounted value of pensions paid out before the standard retirement age of 65 is 215 000 Euro for an average male. Moreover, the revenue loss in income taxes and payroll contributions amounts to 345 000 Euro. In the year 2000, a total of 125 000 persons under the age of 65, who originally entered retirement with the diagnosis schizophrenia, are estimated to be receiving a pension. The corresponding annual expenditures of the social security system reach 1.3 Billion Euro; the revenue loss (pay-roll plus income taxes) reaches 2 Billion Euro. Since only two thirds of the working age population is covered by the social security system, the costs of early retirement due to schizophrenia are underestimated by a factor of at least one third.

Adult↗

Overcoming the barriers to the retirement of Old and New World monkeys from research facilities.

In this commentary I aim to raise awareness among researchers and sanctuary directors to potential barriers to retiring Old and New World monkeys from research facilities. I define a barrier as an opinion or stereotype that prevents primate retirement from occurring on a regular basis. By discussing retirement barriers and recommending how to overcome them, I aim to increase the frequency of retiring monkeys from the laboratory into naturalistic sanctuaries. In this article I compile a final list of 10 barriers to retirement-and recommendations on how to overcome them-based on responses to forums, comments from primate sanctuary directors, information contained in scientific and sanctuary literature, and personal experiences. I conclude that researchers will increase the frequency of primate retirement by performing the following 5 actions: (a) increase communication by networking with sanctuaries, (b) prevent negative publicity by developing a confidentiality clause with the sanctuary, (c) increase understanding by reviewing the articles written on retiring monkeys into sanctuaries, (d) increase funding for primate retirement by including funding requests in grant proposals, or (e) by raising private funds.

Animal Rights↗