Medical insurance can pay your patients' dental bills.
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Unlike other countries which have established some form of national health insurance, the United States is debating this profound social program in facing all problems of financing and managing personal health services simultaneously: elimination of cost at time of service, sharing this cost equitably through the tax system, distributing the services equitably goegraphically, controlling rapidly rising costs and managing the organizational structure of services. Originally in other countries the primary objectives were to free citizens of the burden of costly illnesses, improve access across income groups, and share the costs more or less equally. Now other countries are expressing the problems found simultaneously by the United States. It is argued that universal and comprehensive national health insurance spreads money and resources so thinly that specific and important problems such as pockets of high infant mortality or curable diseases are obscured and ignored. The United States sould set up a health program which targets specific problems and mitigates high cost episodes rather than indulge itself in a comprehensive and universal national health insurance. This proposal is not politically feasible, however, and predictions are made as to what will happen in the United States within the politically and culturally determined range of debatable options.
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Rates of utilization and costs of medical care by a study group in a prepaid group practice, the Medical Care Group of Washington University (MCG), were compared prospectively over a three-year period with those of a demonstrably similar control group cared for by fee-for-service private physicians. MCG enrollees used twice the ambulatory services control enrollees did (p=less than 0.01), but used 23 per cent fewer hospital days (p=less than 0.01). Cost per diagnostic and therapeutic visit was similar for both groups; MCG preventive visits cost more. Increased numbers of MCG services provided led to increased ambulatory care costs for MCG over controls. Hospital utilization savings did not compensate for these increased costs. Thus prepayment in an organized setting did change hospital and ambulatory care utilization but did not reduce medical care costs. Other changes in medical care besides those which result from a different organization of medical care are discussed which might make control of medical care costs more likely.
MSAs: the theory. Medical savings account legislation would allow consumers to set aside pre-tax dollars to pay for day-to-day healthcare costs. The accounts are to be backed up by a catastropic policy with a deductible roughly equal to the maximum amount allowed in the MSA. The aim is to reduce healthcare cost inflation by making consumers more aware of the costs of healthcare than they are under comprehensive policies and enabling them to shop for the lowest-cost, highest-quality care.
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An information technology for analyzing the economic parameters of a medical institution is suggested in the article within the framework of the information system already functioning in the Republican foundation of compulsory medical insurance (Bashkortostan). The analysis of financing the therapeutic-and-prophylactic facilities is based on the graphic-and-analytic method and on extensive real statistics.
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This paper estimates that if a cross-section of nonelderly adults switched from comprehensive insurance to a combination of catastrophic insurance and a medical savings account (MSA), they would reduce their medical spending by between 2% and 8%. The author constructs measures of the prices individuals pay for medical care under a typical comprehensive insurance policy and a particular combination of catastrophic insurance and MSA. The difference in prices paid in the two health plans is combined with price elasticity estimates from the Health Insurance Experiment to predict changes in spending. Several qualifications to the estimate are considered.
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