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Before producing saliva samples for Immunoglobulin A assay, 30 subjects listed their pleasurable activities and rated them in terms of pleasure and guilt. Levels of Immunoglobulin A were higher in those subjects with high ratios of pleasure-guilt scores.
The present study is an examination of the perception of guilt based on the number of aliases used by a defendant. Participants in Experiment 1 (N = 275) reviewed materials summarizing an actual crime in which the defendant was identified with no alias information or with 1, 5, or 9 aliases. Participants were asked to decide if the suspect was guilty and if so, what his sentence should be. Results showed that the presence of alias information influenced perceptions of guilt. However, in conditions where the defendant had more aliases, the maximum sentence was imposed less often. Relationship information linking the suspect and the victim in the materials was removed for some of the participants in Experiment 2. Participants (N = 265) were provided with either no alias information or all 9 aliases. An interaction was found in Experiment 2 demonstrating the alias advantage only when the relationship information was present. However, the relationship information had minimal effect on the attributions made toward the victim.
Children's understanding of sadness and guilt and of guilt and shame were examined in two separate studies, each involving a total of 60 Italian children aged 5-6, 7-8, and 9-10 years. For each emotion, the children were individually interviewed; they were asked to describe antecedents, thoughts characterizing the emotion that was the subject of the interview, and the action tendencies a person might use in response to the emotion. The children were also asked if, and if so, how, the presence of a parent might affect the emotion, and how they would cope with the situation. Results showed that at all the ages considered in this study, the children knew about the three emotions, although there were some age differences related to the depth of their understanding. Such data show that children's understanding of social emotions occurs earlier than claimed in previous studies that have focused mainly on antecedents.
Symptoms of internalization were examined in relation to children's self-reports of three emotions in situations that were either ambiguous or unambiguous as to the child's responsibility for various standard violations. Children ranging in age from 6 to 13 years were drawn from elementary schools (61 boys, 79 girls, mean age = 8.7) and from a community mental health center (23 boys, 18 girls, mean age = 8.5) to which they had been referred for problems related to internalization or externalization. Shame proneness was consistently linked to internalizing symptoms across contexts. Guilt proneness, in response to ambiguous scenarios, was also associated with internalization, whereas pride responses were unrelated to symptoms. Few age- or gender-related differences were found. The results cast doubt on notions that self-conscious emotions, such as guilt, are necessarily adaptive or maladaptive. Systematic research is needed to understand which features of any emotion contribute to children's psychological adjustment.
The underlying positivist philosophy of medicine and the emphasis on 'knowing' can induce a shame response when doctors perceive they have failed. In contrast to guilt, shame affects the whole of the self and may diminish the doctor's ability to accept his or her own illness, respond to a disciplinary complaint, or consider clinical supervision. Consideration of the polarities of practice can help doctors respond to mistakes, errors, or wrongdoing with guilt rather than with shame. This places a perceived failure outside the self of the doctor, enabling restoration of relationships and learning from clinical experience. This will benefit both doctors and patients.
In the literature on siblings of schizophrenic individuals, recurrent experiential themes include guilt feelings, a fear of madness in oneself, and a wish to escape the turbulence that surrounds the schizophrenic person. In psychotherapy conducted by the author with three siblings of schizophrenic individuals, the siblings manifested sadness, guilt, identification with the schizophrenic brother or sister, and manic-defensive externalization as aspects of their survivor predicament. The suitability of the schizophrenic individual as a target of externalization and the significance of defeated parents to the survivor sibling are discussed.
Referring to Cain's fratricide, the authors investigate the origin of guilt. They assume that feelings of shame preceded feelings of guilt and that the former are the cause of the destructiveness and persistence of the latter.
A patient is described who made moves to face his internal and external reality only to find that this put him in touch with an internal world in a horrific state. The horror resulted from his view of damaged and imprisoned objects which arose from the way his defences were organized into a pathological organization of the personality which controlled his objects with ruthlessness and cruelty. As he began to loosen his dependence on the organization and to face his internal situation, depressive anxieties became prominent and of these he found guilt particularly unbearable. In order to escape from guilt he retreated once more to the protection of the organization and it is this which prevented him mourning his lost objects. It is argued that it is in the process of mourning that lost parts of the self are regained and it is specifically this process which was interfered with by the pathological organization.
Freud's clinical discovery of the negative therapeutic reaction was one of the fundamental reasons for his proposing the Structural Theory of the mind. Yet he and subsequent writers provided very few clinical examples to clarify the definitional components of this significant finding. Consequently, there have been frequent controversies as to the various meanings, manifestations and dynamics of the negative therapeutic reaction. In this paper there was an attempt to illustrate a particular kind of negative therapeutic reaction, based on Freud's explanatory concept of 'borrowed guilt', as he expounded it in The Ego and The Id. For this purpose, excerpts from an analysis before the manifestation of the negative therapeutic reaction, during, and following its resolution, are presented in this paper. This manner of presentation may provide a basis for defining the phenomenon and understanding its dynamics within the analytic process. Hopefully, this paper illustrated both one of Freud's meanings of the negative therapeutic reaction, as well as confirmed his optimistic prediction that when it is based on 'borrowed guilt', its resolution is amenable to analysis.
Three cases of inhibited mourning processes are presented to give evidence for a special kind of guilt feelings that indicate a disturbance in the development of the feeling of self-worth. Those guilt feelings derive from 1. that the death of the mother--respectively of the spouse--has not been prevented by the patient by proper care, and 2. that the deceased has been deserted by the patient while dying. These ideas are based on the unconsious grandiose ideas 1. that the patient had had the power to prevent death from taking place, and 2. that the patient still be in a physical-concrete unit with the deceased. The feelings that led to these ideas were defenses against deep seated feelings of impotence and separation anxiety. The realization and working through of feelings of impotence/omnipotence and of nothingness as well as of the history of these feelings enabled the mourning processes to occur, and to proceed with the psychotherapeutic work.
Introduction of the concept of "inflated responsibility" into the so-called anatomy of obsessions gives rise to an elaborated analysis of obsessions, responsibility and guilt. The analysis touches on a range of phenomena including anger and guilt, control of thoughts, the fusion of thoughts and action, resistance to additional responsibility, procrastination and unfinished tasks, hypochondriasis, brief holidays. Some clinical implications are deduced from the analysis.
Post-traumatic stress symptoms among ambulance personnel are regarded as a natural behaviour and reaction to working with the severely injured, suicides, injured children and dead people. The findings show that post-traumatic stress symptoms, guilt, shame and self-reproach are common after duty-related traumatic events. To handle these overwhelming feelings it is necessary to talk about them with fellow workers, friends or family members. By using another person as a container it is possible to internalise the traumatic experience. Poor and un-emphatic behaviour towards a patient and their relatives can have its origin in untreated traumatic experiences. Personnel in ambulance organisations who perform defusing, debriefing and counselling have to be informed of the importance that the roll of guilt and shame may play in the developing of post-traumatic stress symptoms.
BACKGROUND: Biological processes are carried out by coordinated modules of interacting molecules. As clustering methods demonstrate that genes with similar expression display increased likelihood of being associated with a common functional module, networks of coexpressed genes provide one framework for assigning gene function. This has informed the guilt-by-association (GBA) heuristic, widely invoked in functional genomics. Yet although the idea of GBA is accepted, the breadth of GBA applicability is uncertain. RESULTS: We developed methods to systematically explore the breadth of GBA across a large and varied corpus of expression data to answer the following question: To what extent is the GBA heuristic broadly applicable to the transcriptome and conversely how broadly is GBA captured by a priori knowledge represented in the Gene Ontology (GO)? Our study provides an investigation of the functional organization of five coexpression networks using data from three mammalian organisms. Our method calculates a probabilistic score between each gene and each Gene Ontology category that reflects coexpression enrichment of a GO module. For each GO category we use Receiver Operating Curves to assess whether these probabilistic scores reflect GBA. This methodology applied to five different coexpression networks demonstrates that the signature of guilt-by-association is ubiquitous and reproducible and that the GBA heuristic is broadly applicable across the population of nine hundred Gene Ontology categories. We also demonstrate the existence of highly reproducible patterns of coexpression between some pairs of GO categories. CONCLUSION: We conclude that GBA has universal value and that transcriptional control may be more modular than previously realized. Our analyses also suggest that methodologies combining coexpression measurements across multiple genes in a biologically-defined module can aid in characterizing gene function or in characterizing whether pairs of functions operate together.
Although religion is usually portrayed as a source of comfort, individuals may also experience strain in their religious lives. Associations between religious variables and psychological distress were examined within two groups: a nonclinical sample of 200 college students and a clinical sample of 54 persons seeking outpatient psychotherapy. Participants reported more comfort than strain associated with religion. Religious strain was associated with greater depression and suicidality, regardless of religiosity levels or the degree of comfort found in religion. Depression was associated with feelings of alienation from God and, among students, with interpersonal conflicts on religious domains. Suicidality was associated with religious fear and guilt, particularly with belief in having committed an unforgivable sin. Religious strain, along with religiosity, was associated with greater interest in addressing religious issues in psychotherapy. These results highlight the role of religious strain as a potentially important indicator of psychological distress.
This article examines legal questions of the combination of emotions and alcohol, because their frequent appearance together in 'crimes of love' has great importance both legally and to psychiatric research. Drawing on German Supreme Court decisions, possibilities and pitfalls in the search for viable criteria to determine the perpetrator's degree of guilt are looked at from legal and court psychiatric points of view.
Inflated responsibility, guilt and the psychological fusion of thought and action feature prominently in contemporary accounts of obsessional phenomena. Two cases are reported in which the presence of these features can be explained by a specific formative learning experience. Some implications for therapy are considered.
This study asks whether exposure to images of chocolate induces cravings and guilty feelings in females. A further aim was to examine whether these effects are heightened in the case of dieters. The participants, 85 females, saw a series of enticing media images, either of chocolate or of non-food products. Two thirds of the sample were dieting or had dieted in the past; 15% had been on seven or more diets. After viewing the images all participants completed the Attitudes to Chocolate Questionnaire (ACQ) [Benton, Greenfield, & Morgan (1998). The development of the attitudes to chocolate questionnaire. Personality and Individual Differences, 24(4), 513-520]. The different conditions affected only those who dieted. Dieters had significantly higher ACQ scores after viewing the chocolate images than the non-dieters. It is suggested that dietary restriction increases desire for forbidden foods, in the form of craving, and may induce negative affect such as guilt, anxiety and depression.
In 25 Canadian criminal trials involving charges of sexual abuse, 849 prospective jurors were asked under oath whether they could hear the evidence, follow the judge's instructions on the law, and decide the case with a fair and impartial mind. Knowing only the nature of the charges against the accused, on average 36% of the jurors stated that they could not be impartial. Some jurors explained that they themselves had been victims of abuse, others expressed fears for children, while others stated simply that they could not set aside a presumption of guilt. These findings from real trials are consistent with a body of social science literature about attitudes toward sexual abuse and sexual assault charges. The article distinguishes between prejudices arising from specific pretrial publicity and generic prejudices that cause prejudgments of the case of any defendant perceived as belonging to a general class of defendants who likely are guilty of the crime(s) charged.