Managed competition. Using market incentives to control costs, quality.
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Quality improvement is needed to meet the demands for quality while simultaneously reducing the cost of delivered health care. In a competitive market of corporate hospitals, quality improvement would lower the proportion of unit cost relative to potential revenue thereby increasing profit. For public hospitals, the mandate for 'minimum quality', which is the basis for accreditation, could also be attained by efficient use of hospital resources.
"Control" of health care costs is often portrayed as a struggle between external, "natural" forces pushing costs up and individuals, groups, and societies trying to resist the inevitable. This picture is false. Control includes strenuous efforts by some to raise costs, and by others to resist those increases, and/or to transfer costs to someone else. But all such forces originate in the purposes and interests of individuals and groups. Health care cost control is a struggle among conflicting interests over the priorities of a society, and claims of "inevitability" are simply part of the political rhetoric of that struggle. International experience supports certain conclusions. First, there is no basis for the claim that limits on expenditure growth must threaten the health of (some members of) a society. Second, there is a substantial variety of experience with cost control. Failure in the United States is often presented as evidence of the impossibility of control, but most other countries have succeeded. Finally, control requires the direct confrontation of interests, with substantial build-up of stress. Advocates of expansion are more successful if they can transform compressive forces into efforts to shift the burden onto someone else. Pressures from providers in every country for "privatization" and/or payment by users reflect this recognition of economic interest.
The enactment of the Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act of 1990 (OBRA '90) gave states the option of offering pharmaceutical benefits within their Medicaid programs. But the law placed restrictions on states' flexibility to control what prescriptions they would cover and required the states to reimburse outpatient prescription drugs from manufacturers that signed rebate agreements with the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. Forty-nine states--Arizona is excluded, based on its program structure--and the District of Columbia currently offer prescription drug coverage under the Medicaid Drug Rebate Program. During the past four years, states all over the country have been plagued with revenue shortfalls in their state Medicaid budgets. While the fiscal situation improved for most states in the 2004 legislative session, many states still face budget pressures in 2005. Compounding existing budget pressures are threats from the Bush Administration to shift increased costs of the Medicaid program on to the states. All things considered, the economic pressure of funding Medicaid is at the top of legislative agendas in 2005. As in previous years, states are attempting to reduce costs to their Medicaid programs by seeking savings in their pharmaceutical programs. Prescription drug costs are highly attributed as a contributing factor to the fiscal climate of state Medicaid programs. Currently, prescription drug spending outpaces that of every other category of health care and drug prices are rising faster than inflation. In response, states are instituting a variety of pharmaceutical cost control measures such as creating preferred drug lists (PDLs), negotiating supplemental rebates, forming bulk purchasing pools, promoting generic drug substitution and implementing price controls. As prescription drug cost containment tools have gained acceptance and momentum, they continue to be controversial. This issue brief explores the debate, history, methodology, utilization and 2005 legislative activity surrounding the most commonly used and emerging pharmaceutical cost control measures.
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As the quality of neurological care becomes a mutual objective of physicians, patients, and health planners, increased demands on cost savings will create conflicts that could threaten the ethical basis of medical practice. Physicians will see increasing ethical conflicts between their fiduciary duties to make treatment decisions in the best interest of their patients and their justice-based duties to conserve societal resources. These conflicts can be best mitigated if physicians maintain their orientation as patient advocates but practice cost-conscious clinical behaviors that consider the cost-effectiveness of tests and treatments and do not squander society's finite resources by ordering medical tests and treatments of zero or marginal utility. Health system planners should resolve their conflicting objectives of quality and cost control by rigorously defining and measuring quality through physician leadership and by implementing cost-control measures that enhance the quality of medical care. Managed care organizations voluntarily should forsake financially successful but blatantly unethical cost-saving schemes, such as gag clauses and end-of-year kickback payments to physicians, because these schemes diminish patients' trust in physicians and degrade the integrity of the patient-physician relationship. State and federal laws should prudently regulate these unethical cost-saving schemes to the same extent as they have for the harmful conflicts in fee-for-service medicine.
The confluence of two trends--health care "consumerism" and employee self-service benefits programs--offers employers a promising opportunity for health care cost control. To take advantage of this opportunity, employers must take a fresh look at the health care cost dilemma and find ways to simultaneously offer employees a new kind of benefit and implement more effective cost-control measures.
The fee-for-service system is a growing problem for insurers and governments. The main reason for this is the open-ended character of this system which makes cost-control a very difficult task. The pressures on the fee-for-service system are becoming more pronounced, especially in countries such as Canada, Germany and the Netherlands which use budget restrictions on national health care expenditure (macro caps). In these countries policy makers are searching for an alternative payment system and an appropriate definition of a corresponding status for doctors. The alternative, however, does not have to lead automatically to a salaried status of doctors in the hospital organization. The Dutch experience of the change of the payment system for medical specialists illustrates the transition to a new 'negotiated order'. The introduction of the 'lump sum' and the sub-contractor relationship with the insurance companies leaves the organizational autonomy of medical specialists intact. In exchange the medical specialists cooperate with the insurers in trying to control the costs of health care. In this process of strategic change, two factors are very significant, i.e. the new leadership of the local medical specialists and the governmental 'circumvention' of the powerful associations of doctors and insurers.
Financial managers are discovering that one key to economic viability is controlling labor costs. To control these costs, many labor reporting systems are available. These systems are all grouped into four main categories: nonvariable, single indicator, composite indicator, and multiple indicator systems. By evaluating and implementing the labor reporting system that is best for them, hospitals can track key labor indicators to aid in controlling a significant part of total hospital expenditures.
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