[Personal control and stress and coping processes: a theoretical analysis].
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Biomedical subjects
Publications and source records attributed to S Folkman.
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There is widespread conviction among health care professionals that coping affects emotion. Yet theory and research have traditionally emphasized the effects of emotion on coping. The present research addresses this imbalance by evaluating the extent to which coping mediated emotions during stressful encounters in two Caucasian, community-residing samples. Subjects' recently experienced stressful encounters, the ways they coped with the demands of those encounters, and the emotions they experienced during two stages of those encounters were assessed repeatedly. The extent to which eight forms of coping mediated each of four sets of emotions was evaluated with a series of hierarchical regression analyses (of residuals). Coping was associated with changes in all four sets of emotions, with some forms of coping associated with increases in positive emotions and other forms associated with increases in negative emotions.
Psychological correlates of social support receipt were examined in an investigation of stress and coping among 150 middle-aged community residents. Subjects were interviewed monthly for 6 months, each time concerning a specific stressful situation in the previous month. Social support received and methods of coping were assessed each time, as well as other variables. Factors hypothesized to be associated with support receipt were person predispositions, appraisal patterns with regard to specific stressful encounters, and coping strategies used. Each was most strongly associated with a particular type of social support. Person predispositions related most strongly to emotional support received, appraisal factors related most strongly to aid, and coping strategies related most to informational support received. Furthermore, of the three sets of variables, the individual's ways of coping appeared to be most strongly associated with all types of social support received. Two implications are explored. First, we suggest that the three types of social support studied represent different constructs with different antecedents and consequences. Second, we argue that coping behavior provides interpersonal cues regarding what is wanted or needed in a stressful situation and that the members of the social environment respond accordingly.
The dramatic increase in the numbers of people who are living into old age has been accompanied by a growing interest among psychologists and health care professionals in their sources of stress and how they cope with them. Despite this interest, little is known about normative stress and coping patterns and the ways in which these patterns differ in older and younger people. This study, which draws on stress and coping theory, compares younger and older community-dwelling adults in daily hassles and eight kinds of coping. Two interpretations of age differences are evaluated: a developmental interpretation, which says that there are inherent, stage-related changes in the ways people cope as they age, and a contextual interpretation, which says that age differences in coping result from changes in what people must cope with. The findings indicate that there are clear age differences in hassles and coping. Overall, the findings tend to support the developmental interpretation, although the contextual interpretation also applies.
There is increasing concern about the misuse of drugs among the elderly. We assessed misuse, including drug usage, drug interactions across pharmacologic classes, and multiple drugs in the same pharmacologic class, in a community sample of 65 to 74-year-olds, and evaluated its relation to stress and coping processes and psychological and somatic health. Assessments were made repeatedly over a 6-month period. Results indicated that misuse was multidimensional and widespread. Misusers did not differ from nonmisusers on antecedent psychosocial variables, nor did they report more hassles or cope differently than nonmisusers. However, misusers and nonmisusers differed on their subjective experience of stressful encounters; misusers experienced their hassles as more intense, and they experienced more threat emotions and more dissatisfaction with their coping than did nonmisusers. Misuse was also associated with long-term psychological satisfaction, psychological symptoms, and somatic health.
Angus and Angus crossbred prepubertal heifers were ovariectomized and randomly assigned to either increasing light simulating the photoperiod of the vernal equinox to the summer solstice (I) or decreasing light simulating the photoperiod of the autumnal equinox to the winter solstice (D) for 43 degrees N latitude. Three blood samples were taken each week for 14 weeks, the first at 11:00 h and two others 2 days later, 1 h before lights on (dark), 1 h before lights off (light). At the end of 14 weeks 4 heifers from each treatment group were cannulated and samples were taken for 12 h at 15-min intervals, 6 h in the light and 6 h in the dark. All sera were assayed for LH, FSH and prolactin. In addition, the samples taken at 15-min intervals were assayed for melatonin. In samples taken weekly at 11:00 h circulating concentrations of LH and prolactin were higher among animals in Group I, while FSH concentrations were not different between Groups D and I. In samples collected weekly in the light or the dark, LH and prolactin concentrations were higher in Group I animals. However, prolactin concentrations were higher and LH concentrations tended to be higher in samples taken in the dark. FSH concentrations were not different between either D or I or dark and light. In samples taken at 15-min intervals the prolactin baseline was higher and pulse amplitude tended to be higher for Group I animals. Neither LH nor FSH pulse characteristics differed between I and D; however, LH baseline and LH pulse amplitude were higher in the dark. Melatonin pulse amplitude was higher among animals in Group D and higher in serum collected in the dark. These results suggest that photoperiod alters circulating concentrations of LH and prolactin and alters pulsatile release of LH, prolactin and melatonin in the prepubertal heifer.
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In this study we examined the relation between personality factors (mastery and interpersonal trust), primary appraisal (the stakes a person has in a stressful encounter), secondary appraisal (options for coping), eight forms of problem- and emotion-focused coping, and somatic health status and psychological symptoms in a sample of 150 community-residing adults. Appraisal and coping processes should be characterized by a moderate degree of stability across stressful encounters for them to have an effect on somatic health status and psychological symptoms. These processes were assessed in five different stressful situations that subjects experienced in their day-to-day lives. Certain processes (e.g., secondary appraisal) were highly variable, whereas others (e.g., emotion-focused forms of coping) were moderately stable. We entered mastery and interpersonal trust, and primary appraisal and coping variables (aggregated over five occasions), into regression analyses of somatic health status and psychological symptoms. The variables did not explain a significant amount of the variance in somatic health status, but they did explain a significant amount of the variance in psychological symptoms. The pattern of relations indicated that certain variables were positively associated and others negatively associated with symptoms.
Despite the importance that is attributed to coping as a factor in psychological and somatic health outcomes, little is known about actual coping processes, the variables that influence them, and their relation to the outcomes of the stressful encounters people experience in their day-to-day lives. This study uses an intraindividual analysis of the interrelations among primary appraisal (what was at stake in the encounter), secondary appraisal (coping options), eight forms of problem- and emotion-focused coping, and encounter outcomes in a sample of community-residing adults. Coping was strongly related to cognitive appraisal; the forms of coping that were used varied depending on what was at stake and the options for coping. Coping was also differentially related to satisfactory and unsatisfactory encounter outcomes. The findings clarify the functional relations among appraisal and coping variables and the outcomes of stressful encounters.
This natural experiment provides substantial evidence for the following major themes, which are based on a cognitively oriented, process-centered theory of stress and coping: First, a stressful encounter should be viewed as a dynamic, unfolding process, not as a static, unitary event. Emotion and coping (including the use of social support) were assessed at three stages of a midterm examination: the anticipation stage before the exam, the waiting stage after the exam and before grades were announced, and after grades were posted. For the group as a whole there were significant changes in emotions and coping (including the use of social support) across the three stages. Second, people experience seemingly contradictory emotions and states of mind during every stage of an encounter. In this study, for example, subjects experienced both threat emotions and challege emotions. The complexity of emotions and their cognitive appraisals reflects ambiguity regarding the multifaceted nature of the exam and its meanings, especially during the anticipation stage. Third, coping is a complex process. On the average, subjects used combinations of most of the available forms of problem-focused coping and emotion-focused coping at every stage of the exam. Different forms of coping were salient during the anticipation and waiting stages. Problem-focused coping and emphasizing the positive were more prominent during the former, and distancing more prominent during the latter. Finally, despite normatively shared emotional reactions at each stage, substantial individual differences remained. Using selected appraisal and coping variables, and taking grade point averages (GPA) into account, approximately 48% of the variances in threat and challenge emotions at the anticipation stage was explained. Controlling for variance due to the grade received, appraisal, and coping variables accounted for 28% of the variance in positive and negative emotions at the outcome stage. Including grade, 57% of the variance in positive emotions at outcome and 61% of the negative emotions at outcome were explained.
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Laboratory and field research indicates that the relationships between personal control and stress, coping, and adaptational outcomes are more complex than was once assumed. Believing that an event is controllable does not always lead to a reduction in stress or to a positive outcome, and believing that an event is uncontrollable does not always lead to an increase in stress or to a negative outcome. These complex relationships involving control are examined in the context of Lazarus's cognitive theory of stress and coping. The first part of the article elaborates this theory and shows how two forms of control, generalized beliefs about control and situational appraisals of control, fit into the overall model. Situational appraisals of control are explored in this section, including the question, Control over what? which must be addressed in order to explain some of the perplexing findings. The second part of the article draws on the theoretical formulation of stress and coping to examine three important issues: (a) how believing one has control in a stressful transaction can heighten threat, (b) the relationship between control and coping, and (c) pathways through which control can affect the adaptational outcomes of stressful encounters.
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This article describes the interplay among theory, research and practice regarding the maintenance of psychological well-being during serious illness. The ideas emerged from two independent lines of work, one that evolved through clinical practice within the medical model, the other that evolved through theory and field research within a behavioral science model. Each of these lines of work independently points to the importance of focusing on psychological well-being and the coping processes that support it, as a complement to the traditional focus in both the medical and behavioral sciences on psychiatric symptoms. This article describes a theoretical framework for the discussion of psychological well-being during serious illness. Then, this framework is used to define variables that research indicates contribute specifically to psychological well-being during serious illness, and finally, based on theory and research, a therapeutic program is described for patients with serious illness. The goal of this paper is to encourage researchers and clinicians to give as much attention to the development and maintenance of psychological well-being in the face of serious illness as they do to the etiology and treatment of psychiatric symptoms.
Spiritual phenomena were spontaneously reported in interviews of 68 of 125 recently bereaved HIV-positive and HIV-negative partners of men who died from AIDS. Spiritual schemas involving beliefs, experiences, rituals, social support, and roles were used to help assimilate the fact of death and were appraised as sources of solace and meaning. The relationship between spirituality and coping, mood, and physical health was examined. Those reporting spiritual phenomena showed higher levels of depression and anxiety and lower levels of positive states of mind, used more adaptive coping strategies, and reported more physical health symptoms than those who did not report spiritual phenomena.
Psychological stress is thought to undermine host resistance to infection through neuroendocrine-mediated changes in immune competence. Associations between stress and infection have been modest in magnitude, however, suggesting individual variability in stress response. We therefore studied environmental stressors, psychobiologic reactivity to stress, and respiratory illness incidence in two studies of 236 preschool children. In Study 1, 137 3- to 5-year-old children from four childcare centers underwent a laboratory-based assessment of cardiovascular reactivity (changes in heart rate and mean arterial pressure) during a series of developmentally challenging tasks. Environmental stress was evaluated with two measures of stressors in the childcare setting. The incidence of respiratory illnesses was ascertained over 6 months using weekly respiratory tract examinations by a nurse. In Study 2, 99 5-year-old children were assessed for immune reactivity (changes in CD4+, CD8+, and CD19+ cell numbers, lymphocyte mitogenesis, and antibody response to pneumococcal vaccine) during the normative stressor of entering school. Blood for immune measures was sampled 1 week before and after kindergarten entry. Environmental stress was indexed with parent reports of family stressors, and a 12-week respiratory illness incidence was measured with biweekly, parent-completed symptom checklists. The two studies produced remarkably similar findings. Although environmental stress was not independently associated with respiratory illnesses in either study, the incidence of illness was related to an interaction between child care stress and mean arterial pressure reactivity (beta = .35, p < .05) in Study 1 and to an interaction between stressful life events and CD19+ reactivity (beta = .51, p < .05) in Study 2.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 250 WORDS)
OBJECTIVE: Socioeconomic status (SES) is strongly associated with risk of disease and mortality. Universal health insurance is being debated as one remedy for such health inequalities. This article considers mechanisms through which SES affects health and argues that a broader and more comprehensive approach is needed. DATA SOURCES: Published articles surveyed using MEDLINE and review articles and bibliographies. METHODS AND RESULTS: Research is reviewed on the association of SES with health outcomes in different countries, including those with universal health coverage. Socioeconomic status relates to health at all levels of the SES hierarchy, and access to care accounts for little of this association. Other mechanisms are suggested and implications for policy and clinical practice are discussed. CONCLUSION: Health insurance coverage alone is not likely to reduce significantly SES differences in health. Attention should be paid both in policy decisions and in clinical practice to other SES-related factors that may influence patterns of health and disease.