Acquisition of stable food preferences.
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Biomedical subjects
Publications and source records attributed to P Rozin.
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This study is the first systematic survey directed at discovering the beliefs and practices of parents with respect to the creation of likes or dislikes for food by their young children. Seventy-six American parents completed a questionnaire that asked for their spontaneous suggestions about ways to create food likes and dislikes, and probed their opinions of the effectiveness, and frequency of use, of 11 possible methods for creating food likes and six for creating dislikes. Favored methods for creation of likes most commonly invoked a positive social-affective context, such as indication to the child that parents like the food in question, or involving the child in preparation of the food. Coercive methods were thought to be ineffective. Contrary to the overjustification literature, parents thought that rewarding ingestion of a target food would be at least as likely to produce an increased liking for the food as using the target food as a reward. Parents were more forthcoming with suggestions for creating likes than for creating dislikes. While parents believe that mixing a target food with a highly desirable or undesirable food can change the preference for the target food, they rarely use this technique. Parents of children who were problem eaters showed no characteristic differences in training practices or attitudes.
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The lateral limits technique, presented by Myers and Sperry, was evaluated with a right-handed callosotomy patient. Consistent with traditional tachistoscopic findings, right visual-field presentations were superior for naming of letters and pictures, as well as rhyming. Left field presentations were superior for line orientation. Determination of the testing fields was insufficiently precise when the blind spot was used as a reference. An eye asymmetry was observed in both location of lateral limits and visual acuity. However, complete lateralization of input without interhemispheric transfer was achieved when presentation was made to fields of equal acuity. We conclude that the technique is valid and valuable for prolonged unilateral stimulation, but that care must be taken in determining appropriate and comparable testing fields.
Three experiments investigated the influence of expectation on liking ratings of beverages at different temperatures. The first confirmed the general belief that people like certain beverages at certain familiar temperatures and dislike them at others. In the second experiment, subjects tasted and rated how much they liked four beverages (chicken bouillon, red wine, fruit punch and water) at three different temperatures (hot, room temperature, and cold) with their eyes closed (beverages not identified by the experimenter) and with their eyes open (beverages identified by the experimenter). They then rated how much they thought they would like these same beverages plus a number of new beverages at the three temperatures. Subjects rated the tastes of the beverages at unfamiliar temperatures (e.g., cold bouillon) when tasting them better than they thought they would. However, even after a few opportunities to taste a beverage at an unfamiliar temperature, expectations about its taste did not change. Experiment 3 successfully altered liking ratings of beverages by changing expectations concerning the temperature at which an unfamiliar beverage is typically consumed. The results argue for an important role for culture-based expectations in determining preferred temperatures for foods.
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Monozygotic and same-sex dizygotic twin pairs reported on their food preferences, the variety of foods of the same general category (e.g. types of soup) in their diet, and their concern about contact of their food with disgusting or other unacceptable substances (contamination sensitivity). Although there was substantial resemblance between siblings for many of these items, there was no clear evidence for a heritable component on any item. The only case for which there was an interpretable and significantly greater resemblance among monozygotic than among dizygotic twins (out of 23 questions) was preferred degree of hotness resulting from chili pepper in foods. These results confirm the prediction that in omnivorous animals, such as humans, genetic predispositions will be minimal with respect to food. The modest sibling resemblances on a number of measures are primarily attributable to a shared environment.
Children (N = 54) ranging in age from one year four months to five years were offered over 30 items to eat. The items included normal adult foods and exemplars of different adult rejection categories: disgust (e.g. grasshopper, hair), danger (liquid dish soap), inappropriate (e.g. paper, leaf) and unacceptable combinations (e.g. ketchup and cookie). We report a high to moderate level of acceptance (item put into mouth) of substances from all of these categories in the youngest children. Acceptance of disgusting and dangerous substances decreases with increasing age, while acceptance of inappropriate substances remains at moderate levels across the age range studied. Although the youngest children accepted more disgust items, the majority rejected most of the disgust choices. Almost all children at all ages tested accept combinations of foods which, although individually accepted by adults, are rejected in combination. No significant differences were observed between 'normal' children and those with a history of toxin ingestion, although there was a tendency of ingesters to accept more inedible items. In general, the results suggest that a major feature of the development of food selection is learning what not to eat.
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The role of positive postingestional effects in the acquisition of liking for tastes was explored. The purpose of the first study was to ask whether changes in liking are associated with the repeated ingestion in a medicinal context of a drug which produces positive consequences and which has a distinctive flavor. The results revealed no evidence for an acquired liking overall, and a more fine-grained analysis found no evidence that any type of positive effect which occurred was associated with an increase in liking. In a second study, using a retrospective questionnaire, an examination was made of the changes in liking for a wider range of medicines with tastes as well as for a number of foods. Again, none of the specific positive medicinal effects (types of symptom relief) examined were especially effective in enhancing liking. However, comparison of data for foods and medicines revealed that the latter are less likely to come to be liked than are the former. One possible explanation for these results is that when substances are ingested with the primary motivation of obtaining positive postingestional consequences, as in the case of medicines, this extrinsic motivation interferes with the acquisition of liking.
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Structured interviews with 3.5-12-year-old children and their mothers were directed at documenting the development of 4 psychological categories of food rejection. The first to appear is rejection based purely on sensory characteristics, usually taste ( distastes ). Rejection based purely on anticipated harm following ingestion appears next (danger). Finally, the oldest children and adults show rejection based on the idea of what something is or where it comes from. This ideational type of rejection further differentiates into affectively laden rejections of substances that become offensive ( disgusts ) and more neutral rejections of substances as simply not food (inappropriate). A critical psychological feature of disgusting substances in adults is that they are "contaminants": they render an otherwise liked food inedible if present even in trace amounts, or if associated with a liked food. Contamination sensitivity is not present in the younger subjects, and appears gradually in the age range studied. Young children are unaware of the physical chemistry of solutions (e.g., diffusion and its lack of reversibility) and therefore do not show a "contamination response."
Humans frequently develop likings for innately unpalatable substances, while this occurs very rarely in non-humans. In this study, we establish a preference for crackers seasoned with chili pepper in two domesticated chimpanzees. Chimps were offered a series of increasingly piquant crackers by their caretaker, and gradually came to prefer these crackers to unseasoned crackers. The preferences were stable over months, and generalized to a different piquant cracker. Available evidence suggests that these are acquired likes rather than preferences maintained because of positive consequences that follow ingestion. We note that all existing instances of acquired likings for innately aversive foods in animals (including some informal results from dogs presented in this paper) involve animals with a close personal relationship with humans, suggesting an important role for social-affective factors in the reversal of innate aversions.
Rats were trained to avoid a sugar solution through pairing with LiCl toxicosis (upper gastrointestinal tract discomfort), shock (peripheral pain), or high levels of lactose (lower gastrointestinal tract discomfort). Among animals matched for strength of avoidance of the sugar solution, only the LiCl group showed orofacial responses (e.g., gaping) indicative of distaste; the other groups continued to show positive orofacial responses to the sugar solution. These results, in conjunction with recent results on humans, are interpreted to represent a distinction between food rejection based primarily on unpalatability (distaste) and food rejection based primarily on anticipated negative consequences of ingestion (danger). The results also support the hypothesis that upper gastrointestinal distress (most probably nausea) plays a special role in negative palatability shifts (acquired distastes). These results have implications for the understanding of predispositions in learning and suggest important differences in the quality (readout) of different types of associations. Prior research, by relying on intake measures alone, was insensitive to the differences revealed here by monitoring a wider range of responses.
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