Re: Crisis (Vol. 22:1, 3-4).
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Biomedical subjects
Publications and source records attributed to H Hendin.
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Data from therapists who were treating 26 patients when they committed suicide were utilized to identify signs that warned of a suicide crisis. Three factors were identified as markers of the suicide crisis: a precipitating event; one or more intense affective states other than depression; and at least one of three behavioral patterns: speech or actions suggesting suicide, deterioration in social or occupational functioning, and increased substance abuse. Problems in communication between patient and therapist were identified as factors interfering with crisis recognition. Evaluation of the identified affects and behaviors may help therapists recognize a suicide crisis.
Data from therapists who were treating 26 patients when they committed suicide were utilized to identify signs that warned of a suicide crisis. Three factors were identified as markers of the suicide crisis: a precipitating event; one or more intense affective stats other than depression; and at least one of three behavioral patterns: speech or actions suggesting suicide, deterioration in social or occupational functioning, and increased substance abuse. Problems in communication between patient and therapist, often originating in therapeutic anxiety over the patient's possible suicide, were identified as factors interfering with crisis recognition. Evaluation of the identified affects and behaviors may help therapists recognize a suicide crisis.
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OBJECTIVE: The authors wished to obtain information from therapists about their reactions to the suicides of patients in their care. METHOD: Therapists for 26 patients who committed suicide completed a semistructured questionnaire about their reactions, wrote case narratives, and participated in a workshop to discuss their cases. The therapists discussed what they would do differently, the impact of the death on their treatment of suicidal patients, their interaction with patients' relatives after the suicides, and the reactions of their colleagues and supervisors. RESULTS: Shock, grief, guilt, fear of blame, self-doubt, shame, anger, and betrayal were the major emotional reactions. In 21 out of 26 cases, therapists identified at least one major change they would have made in their patients' treatments; most frequently mentioned were changes in medication, hospitalization of the patients, and consultation with the patients' previous therapists. Nineteen of the therapists saw the patients' relatives after the suicides; in almost all cases the relatives were not critical of them. Some of the therapists were reluctant to accept subsequent suicidal patients into their practices. Although colleagues were supportive, institutional responses and case reviews were rarely helpful, offering either blame or false reassurance that the suicide was inevitable. CONCLUSIONS: Clinicians felt they learned from participating in the project and that it was therapeutic for them. Review of such cases by a disinterested independent group with no institutional ties to the therapists seems desirable.
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Medical illness is an important part of the motivation for suicide--a significant factor in about 50% of suicides in patients over the age of 50 years and 70% of suicides in patients over the age of 70 years. Depression, anxiety, and ambivalence about dying characterize both medical patients who attempt suicide and those who request assisted suicide. When the physical and psychological sources of the desperation that underlies requests for assisted suicide are addressed, the desire for death diminishes and patients are usually grateful for the time remaining to them. Improved psychiatric and medical care for those who are terminally ill offer significant possibilities for suicide prevention.
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The authors analyze Oregon's first reported assisted suicide of Mrs. A as a real life application of the Oregon Death with Dignity Act. They critique the effectiveness of the Act's safeguards as illustrated by the case of Mrs. A. They point out that the Act does not require that physicians be adequately trained in palliative care in order to participate in assisted suicide. Most physicians do not have such training. Without it, they are not able to effectively present alternatives to patients requesting assisted suicide. Most physicians also lack the expertise to assess patients' decision-making capacity. Nor does the Act ensure that physicians will be in a position to assess coercion of patients' decisions. The Act requires physicians to report only minimal information about their cases, and there are no enforcement provisions to see that even this is done. Under the Act, a good faith standard rather than the more usual negligence standard immunizes physicians from civil or criminal liability even when they act negligently. The authors demonstrate that the Act protects physicians more than patients, and encourages secrecy. The authors conclude that secrecy will need to be replaced by openness to permit the kind of examination the practice of assisted suicide warrants.
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What impact would legalization of assisted suicide and euthanasia have on our ability to treat suicidal patients and to prevent suicide? Information from a study of the Dutch experience illustrates how legal sanction promotes a culture that transforms suicide into assisted suicide and euthanasia and encourages patients and doctors to see choosing death as a preferred way of dealing with serious or terminal illness. The extension of the right to euthanasia to those who are not physically ill further complicates the problem. So too does the tendency of doctors in such a culture to begin to feel that they can make decisions about ending the life of competent terminally ill patients without consulting the patient. "Normalizing" suicide as a medical option lays the groundwork for a society that turns euthanasia into a "cure" for suicidal depression.