Broca's aphasia is associated with a single pattern of comprehension performance: a reply.
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Publications and source records attributed to E Zurif.
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We reexamine the empirical record of the comprehension abilities of Broca's aphasic patients. We establish clear, commonly accepted, selection criteria and obtain a pool of results. We then subject these results to a detailed statistical analysis and show that these patients comprehend certain canonical sentences (actives, subject relatives, and clefts with agentive predicates) at above-chance levels, whereas comprehension of sentences that contain deviations from canonicity (passives, object-gap relatives, and clefts) is distinct and is at chance. That the latter is the case, and patients indeed guess at such structures, we show by comparing the distribution of individual results in passive comprehension to that of a model for such guessing-an analogous series of tosses of an unbiased coin. The two distributions are virtually identical. We conclude that the group's performance is stable, and well-delineated, despite intersubject variation whose source is now identified. This means that certain comprehension tests may not always be used for the diagnosis of individual patients, but they do characterize the group. It also means that group studies are not just a valid option in neuropsychology; they are a must, since demonstrations like ours indiciate very clearly that single-case studies may be misleading. As we show, the findings from any one patient, without the context of a group, may give a distorted picture of the pathological reality. Our conclusions thus promote studies of groups of brain-damaged patients as a central tool for the investigation of brain/behavior relations.
This study reports results on the real-time consequences of aspectual coercion. We define aspectual coercion as a combinatorial semantic operation requiring computation over and above that provided by combining lexical items through expected syntactic processes. An experiment is described assessing whether or not parsing of a string requiring coercion--in addition to syntactic composition--is more computationally costly than parsing a syntactically transparent counterpart, a string that provides for an interpretable representation via syntactic composition alone. The prediction of a higher computational cost for this process is borne out by the results.
We present an on-line study showing different sources of lexical activation during sentence comprehension, distinguishing in this respect between reflexive syntactic and less temporarily constrained nonsyntactic sources. Specifically, we show that both the syntactic process of gap filling and a nonsyntactic end-of-sentence effect can be measurable in real time and can be temporally separated. The distinction between activation sources provides a new perspective on real-time sentence comprehension in aphasia and accounts for the disparate results reported in the literature.
Rapid, automatic access to lexical/semantic knowledge is critical in supporting the tight temporal constraints of on-line sentence comprehension. Based on findings of "abnormal" lexical priming in nonfluent aphasics, the question of disrupted automatic lexical activation has been the focus of many recent efforts to understand their impaired sentence comprehension capabilities. The picture that emerges from this literature is, however, unclear. Nonfluent Broca's aphasic patients show inconsistent, not absent, lexical priming, and there is little consensus about the conditions under which they do and do not prime. The most parsimonious explanation for the variable findings from priming studies to date is that the primary disturbance in Broca's lexical activation has something to do with speed of activation. Broca's aphasic patients prime when sufficient time is allowed for activation to spread among associates. To examine this "slowed activation" hypothesis, the time course of lexical activation was examined using a list priming paradigm. Temporal delays between successive words ranged from 300 to 2100 msec. One nonfluent Broca's aphasic patient and one fluent Wernicke's patient were tested. Both patients displayed abnormal priming patterns, though of different sorts. In contrast to elderly subjects, who prime at relatively short interstimulus intervals (ISIs) beginning at 500 msec, the Broca's aphasic subject showed reliable automatic priming but only at a long ISI of 1500 msec. That is, this subject retained the ability to access lexical information automatically if allowed sufficient time to do so, a finding that may help explain disrupted comprehension of normally rapid conversational speech. The Wernicke's aphasic subject, in contrast, showed normally rapid initial activation but continued to show priming over an abnormally long range of delays, from 300 msec through 1100 msec. This protracted priming suggests failure to dampen activation and might explain the semantic confusion exhibited by fluent Wernicke's patients.
In this report we comment upon subject selection and methodology, and we describe some recent studies of syntactic processing in aphasia. Our data show that, like neurologically intact subjects, Wernicke's patients reactivate moved constituents (instantiate coreference) at the site of their extraction (even for sentences that they do not understand). Broca's patients, by constrast, are shown not to create such syntactically governed links (even for sentences that they do understand). These data isolate the processing bottleneck in Broca's aphasia and more generally suggest that syntactic comprehension limitations can be traced to changes in cortically localizable resources that sustain lexical processing.
Two experiments were carried out to examine the ability of elderly subjects to establish syntactically governed dependency relations during the course of sentence comprehension. The findings reveal the manner in which memory constraints operate during syntactic processing.
This report describes some recent examinations of the ability of aphasic patients to construct syntactically governed dependency relations in real time. The data show that Wernicke's patients can link the elements of dependency relations in the same way as neurologically intact subjects, even for sentences that they do not understand. Broca's patients, by contrast, are shown to be unable to create such links, even for sentences that they do understand. These data underline the isolability of this stage of syntactic analysis and they suggest that comprehension limitations statable in syntactic terms can be traced to changes in cortically localizable processing resources.
The trace-deletion hypothesis (Grodzinsky, 1990) holds that the comprehension deficit apparent in most agrammatic aphasics results from the absence of traces at the level of S-structure. This paper reports a test of this hypothesis in a case study of an agrammatic aphasic. Two experiments--one using a sentence-picture matching task, one using the truth-value judgment task-examined the comprehension of the matrix clause in center-embedded relatives such as, The tiger that chased the lion is big. These structures provide a crucial test of the trace-deletion hypothesis because comprehension of the matrix clause (i.e., knowing that the tiger is big and not the lion) is predicted to be unimpaired. Contrary to this prediction, however, the results of the present work show that comprehension of the matrix clause in such sentences is significantly impaired. We argue that a revised version of the trace-deletion hypothesis proposed by Hickok (1992a,b) can explain the present data and other previously unaccountable findings.
This paper is about syntactic processing in aphasia. Specifically, we present data concerning the ability of Broca's and Wernicke's aphasic patients to link moved constituents and empty elements in real time. We show that Wernicke's aphasic patients carry out this syntactic analysis in a normal fashion, but that Broca's aphasic patients do not. We discuss these data in the context of some current grammar-based theories of comprehension limitations in aphasia and in terms of the different functional commitments of the brain regions implicated in Broca's and Wernicke's aphasia, respectively.
This study examines sentence memory as a function of linguistic processing complexity in amnesic patients. Sentence length as well as lexical and syntactic complexity were manipulated in two sentence repetition experiments. It was found that the amnesic patients performed considerably worse than the control subjects and that performance decreased: (1) when sentence length was increased by the addition of adjuncts compared to arguments of the verb; (2) when the verb selected more thematic frames; and (3) when sentences involved "empty" argument positions that must be linked to antecedents, particularly across clausal boundaries. These data showed how linguistic complexity affects sentence memory and implied that the amnesic deficit did not involve a generalized difficulty for materials of similar length, rather, the deficit was specific to certain representational types and processing routines.
A list priming paradigm (LPP) was used to examine the hypothesis that nonfluent aphasics are literally slowed down in automatic access to lexical information. In this paradigm, words are presented visually, and the subject's task is to make a lexical decision on each word as quickly as possible after its presentation. As soon as a lexical decision is made on one word, that word is removed and, after a predetermined interword interval, the next word is presented. In this way, a continuous "list" effect is obtained. Prior studies with both college-age and elderly subjects using the LPP have shown that, independently of age, on the LPP, priming obtains at interword delays of 500 to 800 msec, but not at either shorter or longer interword delays. In the study reported here, the LPP was used to examine delays at which priming obtained for LD, a nonfluent aphasic with a lesion primarily in the left frontal region. Examining interword delays ranging from 500 to 1800 msec, the subject showed priming only at a delay of 1500 msec, a considerably longer delay than that at which neurologically intact subjects have shown priming. Based on these results, it is argued that while automatic access is retained, that access is much slower in a nonfluent aphasic than in neurologically intact elderly subjects. These results are discussed in terms of how slowed lexical access might impact on discourse comprehension.
We argue that the lesion localizing value of disruptions to modular information processing systems emerges most clearly from on-line analyses of processing. In this respect we seek to show that left anterior (but not left posterior) damage causes slowed information access and we discuss the manner in which this slowing might yield some of the specific syntactic limitations charted in Broca's aphasia. The general possibility we raise is that the cortical area implicated in Broca's aphasia is not necessarily the locus of syntactic representations, but rather sustains particular time-based operating characteristics that in turn sustain normal real-time parsing.
This study addresses the issue of cognitive slowing in the elderly by examining the time course of automatic lexical access. College-aged subjects typically show a brief rise time (300-500 msec) for lexical access. In the present study, we examine whether there are changes in rapid, automatized access routines with age. Elderly and college-aged subjects performed a lexical decision task wherein semantically related words embedded in a continuous list were presented one at a time with a varying (300-1500 msec) inter-word interval. The use of a continuous list, a repeated word, and a very short inter-stimulus interval allowed automatic lexical access to be straightforwardly examined. The elderly subjects showed an onset of automatic lexical access that was similar in time frame to that for college-age subjects. These findings suggest that wherever the locus of age-related slowing may be, it is not in the early, language-specific processing devices that mediate lexical access.
This note challenges the position adopted by A. Caramazza and W. Badecker (1989, Brain and Cognition 10, 256-295) that, since the a priori classification of patients can only be theoretically arbitrary, the basic unit of analysis in cognitive neuropsychology must be the individual patient. We argue that even if there is no prior theory to justify patient classification, this does not preclude group studies; syndromes are what the world gives us--they constrain theory, permitting groups to be formed for research purposes. We also reexamine a particular example of group-based research that was extensively criticized by Caramazza and Badecker. We confront each of their criticisms, and, again, demonstrate the validity of group-based research.
Previous research has found that agrammatic Broca aphasic patients have particular difficulty using determiners like "a" and "the" for the purposes of sentence comprehension. In this study, we test whether or not such difficulty extends to the level where lexical subcategories are distinguished by these articles. The absence or presence of a determiner distinguishes proper from common nouns (e.g., "ROSE" vs. "A ROSE"), and mass from count nouns (e.g., "GLASS" vs. "A GLASS"). Groups of agrammatic Broca and fluent aphasic subjects were required to point to one of two pictures in response to a sentence such as "Point to the picture of rose" or "Point to the picture of a rose". Sentences were presented in either printed or spoken form. Results indicated that for the agrammatic Broca patients, printed presentation yielded significant improvement over spoken presentation only for the proper noun/common noun distinction. Performance was significantly poorer for the mass noun/count noun distinction as compared to the proper/common distinction for these patients, and mass nouns proved particularly difficult. Interpretable patterns were not observed on either subcategory distinction for the fluent aphasic subjects. Current theories of agrammatism cannot fully explain these data. An independent explanation is offered that suggests proper noun/common noun is a universal semantic distinction. On the other hand, the mass noun/count noun distinction is more purely syntactic, and thus is particularly difficult for agrammatic Broca patients.
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Studies of agrammatic Broca's aphasics' comprehension of sentences containing articles have demonstrated profound deficits. It has not been clear whether the impairments are due to an inability to isolate the article in the stream of speech, or to difficulty in the construction and/or interpretation of various syntactic, semantic, or pragmatic levels of representation. This paper reports three experiments on Broca's aphasics' ability to distinguish between common nouns (e.g., "a rose") and proper nouns (e.g., "Rose"). This grammatical form class decision is signaled by the presence or absence of an article, and is represented at the lexical node level of linguistic analysis. The three experiments demonstrated that Broca's aphasics point to pictures representing classes of objects when asked to point to "the X" and point to pictures representing unique individuals when asked to point to "X". Thus, they were shown to be able to use the presence or absence of an article to determine lexical category. Their performance was especially accurate in an oral language context which was highly redundant and in a written language context where patients themselves could control the rate of information flow. They were quantitatively impaired, relative to controls, in a third study, which made higher information processing demands. Moreover, in this third study nonsense syllables preceding the noun which are phonologically similar to a known article were much more likely to evoke the misclassification of its noun as common than were phonologically distinct nonsense syllables. These data indicate that Broca's aphasics indeed have some difficulty isolating the article in the stream of speech. Nevertheless, detailed analyses of aphasics' performance revealed their ability to distinguish between common nouns and proper nouns even under these demanding conditions. Taken together, the three studies show that insofar as agrammatic patients are able to keep track of the presence or absence of articles, they can make a grammatical decision at the lexical node level of linguistic analysis. We conclude, then, that agrammatic Broca's aphasics are particularly impaired in the use of articles to construct and/or interpret phrasal constituents.