The rise of post-traumatic stress disorders.
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Biomedical subjects
Publications and source records attributed to D Summerfield.
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'Low intensity' warfare, with its key psychological element, aimed to terrorize the rural population of Nicaragua during the 1980s. A survey of ex-refugees still living in the war zone revealed 62% of men and 91% of women as 'cases' of psychological disturbance on the General Health Questionnaire. Somatization was central to the subjective experience and communication of the distress caused by the Contra war. Sustained sleep disturbance, hyperalertness and other anxiety-based symptomatology and poor concentration were very common and were exacerbated by war-related cues. 25% of men and 50% of women merited a diagnosis of posttraumatic stress disorder. Some distress reflected unresolved grief states. The longer term mental and social costs of terrorization have been insufficiently documented in the Third World.
Despite 150 wars in the Third World since 1945, there have been virtually no psychosocial studies of war wounded ex-combatants. This community study of 72 such men, on average 4.9 years post-injury, had both quantitative (General Health Questionnaire [GHQ] and clinical interview) and qualitative (personal narrative) components. Most men were coping adaptively. However their overall GHQ scores were significantly higher than an ex-combatant control group, suggesting relative psychological vulnerability (P = 0.001). 13 (18 per cent) had post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) though in only three was this clinically significant, two of whom were aggressive alcoholics. Social dysfunction was a better indicator of the minority who needed psychological help than a diagnosis of PTSD. The one in three with a severe physical disability were not at greater risk than the rest of the group. Personal narratives illuminated the ways subjects had registered and responded to their war experiences. Identification with the social ideals being defended by the war effort had been psychologically bolstering. Ten severely disabled ex-Contra guerrillas, who had fought on the other side, were also interviewed. The availability of appropriate training/work, and thus the economic fortunes of the whole society, are likely to be major determinants of long-term psychosocial outcomes. Six illustrative personal histories are appended.
There have been more than 160 wars and armed conflicts since 1945, almost all in the Third World, and more than 50 currently. More than 90% of these are internal rather than between sovereign states. There has been a sixfold increase in the number of war refugees worldwide since 1970, who now number 1% of the global population. Ninety per cent of all casualties are civilians. A key element of modern political violence is the creation of states of terror to penetrate the entire fabric of grassroots social relations as a means of control. The valued institutions and ways of life of whole populations are routinely targeted for destruction. In the 1980s many such wars were played out on a terrain of subsistence economies. The back-drop is of environmental degradation, poverty, embedded social injustice, pressure on the nation-state, a global rise in food insecurity and a widening gulf between the wealthiest 20% and the poorest 20% in the world. The World Health Organization is warning of a health catastrophe, with life expectancy in the world's poorest countries falling by the year 2000 and one-third of the world's children undernourished. Understanding a complex and evolving set of causes and effects surrounding war is a considerable challenge to the international humanitarian field, not least the health professions. In recent years there has been a burgeoning interest in the psychological impact of the atrocities of war, and in trauma programmes based on Western psychological concepts and techniques. This individualistic focus risks neglecting the core issue: the role of a social world, invariably targeted in war and yet still embodying the capacity of survivor populations to manage their suffering, adapt and recover on a collective basis. Using the example of Mozambique, Guatemala and others, this paper will discuss the way in which contemporary war damages social and cultural forms, and the range of traditions, values and understandings which these carry. However, society and culture also engage actively with war, with changes in the social order that may come to outlast the violence itself. This paper will also pinpoint the quest for justice as an issue that may distinguish the subjective experience of war from those that arise after peacetime or natural disasters. The work of anthropologists, sociologists, historians and poets in both West and Third World, allied to the voices of survivors themselves, can help the humanitarian field to acquire a more richly textured understanding of the range of responses to war and atrocity, and outcomes over time.