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Biomedical subjects

D Hofoss

Publications and source records attributed to D Hofoss.

11 recordsLinked to original sources

[Time stress among Norwegian physicians].

In this paper perceived stress at work is examined in a nationwide representative sample of Norwegian physicians. Four questions were asked about how often the doctors experienced their working conditions as hectic and bothersome, that the work load was unacceptable, that the large number of duties prevented them form working effectively and that they had difficulty in working reasonably undisturbed. 28% of the respondents stated that their work load was often or fairly often unacceptable, while 43% often or fairly often found it difficult to carry out various tasks without being disturbed. While 19% of the physicians perceived their working situation as often hectic and bothersome, the corresponding figure among other academics was 5%. When the four questions were combined to form a measure of stress, about one fifth of the doctors proved to be highly stressed. In a multiple linear regression analysis (N = 2,304) the physician's perceived autonomy was the strongest predictor of stress, i.e. doctors who feel they can substantially influence the planning and organization of their work achieve the lowest scores for stress. Heads of hospital departments are more stressed than physicians who work outside hospital. Stress also increases with increasing frequency of overtime and with increasing amounts of voluntary overtime.

Adult

[Physicians' own control of their working situation--a myth?].

The idea that physicians have more autonomy than others in regard to their work does not match the physicians' own experience. In 1993, Norwegian physicians experienced less control over their own work than other professionals and employees in Norwegian society did. However, large variations exist between groups of physicians. Hospital doctors report less autonomy than other physicians do. Among specialists, surgeons report the lowest degree of job control. Female physicians report having less autonomy than their male colleagues, regardless of where or with what they work. Job control increases with age, both for female and for male physicians.

Decision Making

[Physicians and the mass media. Opinion of physicians on the coverage of medicine, health policy and the medical profession by the mass media].

Every fourth physician disapproves of mass media coverage of health policy questions. Four out of ten physicians are dissatisfied with the way scientific medical issues are covered, and seven out of ten are dissatisfied with articles and programmes about the medical profession. The physicians' dissatisfaction was predicted by a low level of perceived job autonomy and a high level of perceived unrealistic expectations from patients, families, superiors and politicians. The doctors' disapproval of press coverage of the medical profession increased with perceived stress. The dissatisfaction was clearly greater among younger than among older physicians. Internists and surgeons tended to be more dissatisfied than physicians in other specialties. Dissatisfaction with mass media was not, however, a question of personal grudge: respondents who felt that they themselves had been unfairly spoken of by the media did not disapprove of the media coverage of health issue, or of the medical profession in general, to any greater degree than did doctors who had no such personal complaints.

Adult

[Is gender of significance for specialization of physicians? An analysis of specialization degree among female and male physicians].

Although there has been a substantial increase in the number of women in medicine, we still find strong gender differences in career patterns. Female physicians specialize to a lower degree than their male colleagues do, although the percentage who do so has increased in recent years. The gender difference in frequency of specialization is not an effect of female physicians' spending a longer time on specialist training. Our results indicate that female physicians, to a greater extent than their male colleagues have to choose between family and career. A larger percentage of female than of male physicians live alone, perhaps indicating that career demands a higher price for the former. However, the percentage of singles is, larger among older than among younger female physicians. We interpret this as indicating that the necessity to choose between career and family is not as strong as it used to be.

Adult

[Physicians' working hours].

Data from an extensive survey among Norwegian doctors conducted in 1993 shows that, on average, doctors work 52.8 hours a week. Their work-load thus exceeds that of the average occupationally active Norwegian by about 40%, and that of the average academic by about 25%. Male doctors work significantly more hours per week than female. Doctors in the age groups 35-44 and 45-54 years work significantly more hours than their younger or older colleagues. Certified specialists work more hours than non-specialists. General practitioners, privately practising specialists and hospital doctors all work more hours per week than municipally employed doctors in the primary health service. Female do very much more housework than male doctors do. Measured in terms of the sum of hours of medical work, housework and caring for children and elderly relatives, female doctors work more hours per week than their male colleagues.

Adult

Health professions: the origin of species.

Specialization is an important feature of post-World War II health sector development. Its value is indisputable. On the other hand, unchecked specialization also brings problems, notably of cost escalation and service profile twisting. To exploit the potentials of highly specialized medicine without neglecting the everyday problems that constitute the bulk of medicine, one needs a carefully constructed policy. To design such a policy, one needs, among other things, to understand the whys and hows of specialization. This reports discusses three different approaches to the understanding of the process of specialization: the sociological (S is a reflection of the selfish interests of the professions), the medical (S is the natural response to scientific and technological progress), and the economic (S is a result of increased market demand). Much is to be said in favour of the sociological explanation. Occupational groups do pursue interests of their own, centering on the construction and defence of job monopolies. The histories of the professions readily lend themselves to this kind of interpretation, and its gives, beyond doubt, valuable insight into the ways in which occupational groups relate to each other, to clients and to the surrounding society. This report, however, argues that the sociology of the professions is largely concerned with phenomena secondary to the process of specialization. It explains the behaviour of occupational groups, once they have been established. It does not, however, explain why they came into being in the first place. For that purpose, the perspective of medicine and, in particular, that of economy, may be more suitable. I support this position by data on the specialization of the health service system of Norway.

Delivery of Health Care