Neutrality and consensus: towards a viable policy on human stem cell research.
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Biomedical subjects
Publications and source records attributed to A W Siegel.
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In this article we address several issues regarding problem or antisocial behavior in adolescents. First, we discuss conceptualizations of adolescent problem behavior to answer the question 'What do we think we know so far?" Then, we briefly characterize current interventions designed to reduce these behaviors, and their relative success in doing so. Next, we examine earlier attempts to prevent and ameliorate problem behavior (including juvenile delinquency), situating them in the historical context of America from the turn of the century to World War II. Here, we attempt to answer the questions "How did we get to where we are?" and "How can we learn from the past?" Following this, we try to answer the question "Where do we go from here?" and articulate some research and policy implications relevant to developmental psychopathology that arise from these considerations. We argue that problem behavior is viewed most productively in its double aspect, which John Hughlings Jackson called a "double symptom," with the positive aspect of the symptom reflecting adolescents' attempts to satisfy their developmental needs.
A total of 58 college-age adolescent females were asked to provide information about their risk-taking behaviors. Participants completed a risk-taking questionnaire and were asked to keep a diary of their risk-taking behaviors for 1 week. Participants were also asked to provide reasons for engaging in each behavior they listed. Results indicated that participants engaged in a variety of risky behaviors ranging from traditional adolescent risk-taking behaviors, e.g. drinking and sex, to other behaviors not typically included in studies of risk-taking, e.g. interpersonal and financial risky behaviors. An analysis of the justifications given for engaging in the various behaviors were largely goal-oriented (e.g. engaging in a behavior as a means to an end) or reflected a preoccupation with personal needs (e.g. engaging in a behavior to relieve loneliness or stress). These results are contrary to the widely held belief that adolescents' risk-taking is "mindless," "aimless," or mere "sensation seeking."
To assess the predictive utility of perceived benefits and risks of risk-taking behaviors (RTBs) on behavioral intentions and behavioral change, data were collected from 187 male and female late adolescent college students (ages 17-20). Perceived benefits, perceived risks, behavioral intentions, and involvement for 18 RTBs were assessed at T1 and T2 (3 months later). Factor analyses were performed on T1 involvement data, and six RTB factors emerged: Alcohol RTBs, Illegal Drug RTBs, Stereotypic Male RTBs, Social RTBs, Sex RTBs, and Imprudent RTBs. Regression analyses indicated that perceived benefits accounted for significant variance in behavioral intentions for each of the six factors and Overall RTB; perceived risks accounted for significant variance in behavioral intentions for five of the factors. Similar regression analyses indicated that perceived benefits accounted for significant variance in behavior change (over a 3 month period) for each of the six factors and the Overall RTB score, whereas perceived risks accounted for significant variance for only one factor (Illegal Drug RTBs). The result suggest that, among late adolescents, perceived benefits are better determinants of behavior change for RTBs than are perceived risks. Both perceived benefits and perceived risks, however, are important determinants of behavioral intentions. These findings support previous work identifying adolescents as "sensation seekers". Interventions should address perceived benefits of RTB, rather than relying solely on promoting knowledge of the risks. Assessment of adolescent RTB should continue to use multi-item measures to obtain a broad picture of the variety of behaviors commonly endorsed by adolescents.
We predicted that children's conceptions of various self-care behaviors and social relations would be related to their degree of experience with insulin-dependent diabetes mellitus (IDDM). A total of 55 children were recruited for this study in three experience groups: children with IDDM (high experience), children having a sibling with IDDM (low experience), and normal healthy children (no experience). In line with our model, children with IDDM had a more developed and sophisticated understanding of concepts associated with disease management than did either siblings of children with diabetes or the comparison group; surprisingly, experience with the disease (children with IDDM) was associated with more complex conceptions of social relations as well.
In this study adolescent risk-taking is explored from several theoretical positions: Jessor's problem-behavior perspective, risk-taking as normal and adaptive, adolescent egocentrism, and a decision-making perspective. Adolescents (ages 11-17) referred to mental health clinics (N = 80) completed a risk involvement and perception questionnaire, the Jesness Personality Inventory, and a measure of adolescent egocentrism. For purposes of concurrent validity, a diagnosis was completed by the subject's clinic therapist. As predicted, both Benefit and Risk Perception were significantly correlated with Involvement (in opposite directions), supportive of a decision-making perspective. A configuration of social maladjustment personality correlates in conjunction with a diagnosis of Conduct Disorder showed a strong, positive correlation with Involvement, supporting a problem-behavior perspective. Egocentrism measures were not significantly related to Risk Involvement or Risk and Benefit Perceptions. Adolescent risk-taking is argued to be a multidimensional phenomenon involving personality correlates and cognitive aspects of decision-making.
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Do the reformulated model of learned helplessness and the self-control model apply to clinically depressed children? Are the related cognitive patterns specific to depression? Are the cognitive deficits associated with depression learned from one's parents? To address these questions this investigation examined three groups of children (ages 8-12) and their parents: nonclinic (n = 25), nondepressed clinic (n = 22), and depressed clinic (n = 15). Children were diagnosed depressed on the basis of Kiddie-SADS interview data. Depressed clinic children self-reported more depression, had a more depressive attributional style, and had more self-control problems. There were more depressed mothers in the clinic than in the nonclinic sample. Depressed clinic children had more depressed mothers than did nondepressed clinic children. There were no differences among the three groups of parents in their cognitive patterns. No relationship was found between the attributional style and self-control behavior of children and their parents.
The present investigation examined depression and its social-cognitive and cognitive correlates in a sample of 108 elementary school children: 36 children in each of grades 1, 4, and 8. Children were classified as depressed and nondepressed according to their scores on the Children's Depression Inventory (CDI). Depression appeared stable over a 3-week time interval. Depressed children reported a higher number of "masking" symptoms, were rated as more depressed by their teachers, and perceived their family environment to be more distressed. As posited, when compared to nondepressed children, depressed children have lower self-esteem, a more depressive attributional style, and more self-control deficits. Further, they have impaired performance on some cognitive tasks (block design, coding digit span) but not all (vocabulary). The prediction that depression would be manifested differently in first-, fourth-, and eighth-graders was not supported.
First, fourth, and seventh graders (7, 10, and 13 years of age, respectively) were given a series of tasks to assess their spatial competency in and their cognitive mapping of their school campus. Measures of way-finding, landmark, route, and configurational knowledge were obtained and analyzed to (1) assess way-finding skills in the same environment as that in which their cognitive representations were inferred and assessed; (2) determine the validity of the hierarchical model of cognitive mapping development proposed by Siegel and White by examining individual children's performance patterns as well as between-group performance; and (3) investigate the relationship between grade level and familiarity within an environment where familiarity within subsets of the environment varied by grade. Subjects were asked to create and walk three novel and efficient routes, to select photographs of scenes belonging to the three routes, to correctly order and metrically relate those scenes, and to make bearing and distance estimates from four sighting locations to six targets within the environment. Results indicated that all children were extremely competent way finders. Guttman scale analysis revealed that 93% of all children exhibited performance patterns predicted by the proposed model. Further support of the model was found in grade level differences on cognitive mapping measures. Reversals in the developmental trend were found, however, on some portions of the route and configuration measures, and were significantly related to degree of familiarity within the environment.
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Kindergartners, second, and fifth graders made repeated trips through a large- or small-scale model town, and then constructed from memory the layout of buildings in either a large- or small-scale space. Accuracy of construction increased as a function of developmental level and repeated trips through the town. Children's constructions were most accurate when they were tested in the same-scale environment as that in which they developed their spatial knowledge; accuracy was impaired significantly only when children were exposed to a small space and then reconstructed in a large space. Results were interpreted in terms of a "competence-load trade-off."
2 studies were conducted to investigate developmental differences in the ability to select and use environmental landmarks for cognitively organizing distance information from a walk. In experiment 1, second-grade, fifth-grade, and college subjects viewed a simulated walk and selected scenes that were high in potential landmark value. In experiment 2, children from the same grade levels first viewed the walk and then ranked distances among either the test scenes most frequently selected by their peers or those selected most frequently by adults. Results indicated that (a) adults and children may not spontaneously select the same features as real-world landmarks; (b) children are less capable than adults in judging the value of potential landmarks as distance cues; and (c) the ability to use environmental landmarks as cues for distance information developmentally precedes the ability to assess this potential information value.
Arrays of four digits were presented in a 3 X 3 matrix for 80 msec to either the left or right visual field. Women recalled digits presented to the left and right visual fields equally well, while men recalled digits more accurately after presentation to the right visual field. Both men and women recalled the positions of the digits presented to the left and right visual fields equally well. Overall, men's recall of positions was superior to that of women. Handedness correlated only with recall of positions presented to the right visual field, positively for women and negatively for men.
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Picture and word triads were followed by single visual and acoustic distraction tasks and by both tasks in sequence. Short-term retention between and within modalities differed as a function of type of distraction. Individual subject-recall probabilities for each single distraction condition failed to predict performance in the sequential dual-distraction conditions, underestimating performance for words and overestimating performance for pictures. A final delayed recall showed a reversal among distraction conditions within each modality, such that the best short-term retention condition (visual distraction) was poorest in long-term retention. However, long-term retentions of pictures was superior to that of words across all distraction conditions and irrespective of level of short-term retention. The results were interpreted in terms of separate acoustic and visual processing systems and the level of individual item processing within each system as a function of the type of interference originally expected.